Étiquette : Obasanjo

Building a Cameroon–Nigeria Axis for Structuring South–South Development

3rd juin 2025

A Strategic Proposal from the MLDC Based on the Community Developmental State (CDS)

Prof. Jimmy Yab. President of the MLDC. President of the Francophone China–Africa Observatory (OCAF). Professor of International Relations.

Prof Jimmy Yab & H.E. OLUSEGUN OBASANJO

Abstract

In a global context of shifting power poles, Cameroon remains deeply anchored in diplomatic frameworks inherited from colonialism, even as South–South dynamics are redrawing the paths of development. This article puts forward a strategic alternative led by the Mouvement pour la Libération et le Développement du Cameroun (MLDC): the creation of a structured bilateral cooperation axis between Cameroon and Nigeria, framed by the Community Developmental State (CDS) model. Drawing inspiration from Asian models of planned industrialization and pragmatic diplomacy, this partnership could accelerate regional integration, reinforce Cameroon’s economic sovereignty, and stabilize border zones through development-oriented diplomacy. The analysis draws upon recent economic data, academic references, and the author’s experience as president of the Francophone China–Africa Observatory (OCAF).

1. Introduction: The Urgency of Diplomatic Refoundation

A photo taken during the 70th anniversary of the Chinese People’s Association for Friendship with Foreign Countries (CPAFFC) in Beijing—where the author was the sole representative of Cameroon, standing alongside President Olusegun Obasanjo—is more than symbolic. It illustrates a strategic vacuum in Cameroon’s diplomatic presence. While the world is restructuring around regional South–South alliances (Cheru & Obi, 2010), Cameroon remains absent from major co-development platforms, held captive by a France-centric diplomatic approach.

This diplomatic absence signals a structural crisis of vision, which the MLDC seeks to overcome through a developmental diplomacy rooted in the sub-region, positioning Nigeria as a first-tier strategic partner. Within this framework, the Community Developmental State offers the doctrinal and institutional basis to envision a new African regional order, led by sovereign and mutually supportive states.

2. Doctrinal Foundations: The Community Developmental State as a Lever for Regional Integration

Inspired by Asian models (Japan, South Korea, China, Vietnam), the Community Developmental State advocated by the MLDC rests on three pillars of sovereignty: political, economic, and technological (Yab, 2024). It breaks away from paradigms of dependence on international donors in favor of national planning and regional integration.

As Leftwich (1995) emphasizes, development does not arise from automatic market liberalization, but from the strategic autonomy of a state embedded in its national and regional communities. The CDS reframes foreign action not as passive representation but as a public policy of structural transformation.

3. Nigeria: An Underutilized Power in Cameroon’s Regional Strategy

With a GDP of $477 billion (IMF, 2023), a population exceeding 230 million, vast gas reserves, and a growing manufacturing sector, Nigeria is the continent’s leading economic power. Yet, Cameroon has never developed a high-level bilateral cooperation framework with Abuja—despite sharing a 1,500 km border and informal trade flows estimated at over $500 million in 2022 (BEAC, 2023).

The MLDC proposes transforming this informal border coexistence into a structured co-development axis, built around logistical corridors (Garoua–Maiduguri, Bamenda–Enugu), joint economic zones, and industrial cooperation on regional value chains (livestock, textiles, agriculture, energy).

4. Academic and Operational Diplomacy: The Role of OCAF

As President of the Francophone China–Africa Observatory, the author has conducted numerous comparative analyses on Sino-African cooperation modalities. Contrary to simplistic interpretations, China does not impose a single model but offers a flexible negotiation framework in which the partner state remains responsible for its agenda (Brautigam, 2009).

It is this strategic school that informs our proposal: a co-diplomacy of development, in which Cameroon co-constructs with Nigeria:

A Cameroon–Nigeria Institute for South–South Development, based in Garoua or Maroua, to train regional cooperation personnel; Joint university programs linking Yaoundé I, Douala, Ibadan, Nsukka, Zaria, to share expertise in agriculture, health, security, and industry; A shared strategy to attract African and Asian FDI, particularly for financing common infrastructure.

5. Regional Security: Peace Through Integrated Development

The Cameroon–Nigeria border, particularly in the Far North, remains plagued by multiple forms of insecurity: Boko Haram, cross-border banditry, extreme poverty. The MLDC proposes a doctrine of developmental security, inspired by the concept of “human security” (UNDP, 1994), which integrates military action, social inclusion, and economic integration.

This doctrine is based on:

Joint community-based security forces, funded by both states; Economic stabilization projects in at-risk areas (roads, schools, hospitals); Regional reintegration centers for former combatants, linked to literacy and vocational training programs.

6. A Strategic Break from Passive Diplomacy

Unlike Cameroon’s current foreign policies, which rely on symbolic representation and influence, the MLDC’s approach is grounded in impact diplomacy, oriented toward sovereignty and development goals.

The proposed Cameroon–Nigeria axis adopts an offensive posture, based on a realistic reading of the regional environment. It aligns with the notion that well-crafted South–South alliances are now strategic levers comparable to past bilateral treaties with Northern powers (Mohan & Tan-Mullins, 2019).

Conclusion: Toward a Pan-African Developmental Geodiplomacy

The MLDC puts forward a true geopolitical shift for Cameroon. By reorienting Cameroonian diplomacy toward pragmatic South–South partnerships—beginning with Nigeria—it restores foreign policy to its historical mission: supporting national independence, accelerating development, and ensuring peace.

The Community Developmental State is not merely an administrative model but a strategic and operational framework for situating Cameroon within a strong, integrated, and sovereign Africa.

“Those not at the negotiation table are on the menu of history.”

— Prof. Jimmy Yab

References

Brautigam, D. (2009). The Dragon’s Gift: The Real Story of China in Africa. Oxford University Press.

Cheru, F., & Obi, C. (2010). The Rise of China and India in Africa: Challenges, Opportunities and Critical Interventions. Zed Books.

Evans, P. (1995). Embedded Autonomy: States and Industrial Transformation. Princeton University Press.

IMF. (2023). World Economic Outlook. International Monetary Fund.

Leftwich, A. (1995). Bringing Politics Back In: Towards a Model of the Developmental State. Journal of Development Studies, 31(3), 400–427.

Mohan, G., & Tan-Mullins, M. (2019). The Geopolitics of South–South Infrastructure Development: Chinese-Funded Transport Projects in Ethiopia and Kenya. Political Geography, 73, 31–43.

UNDP. (1994). Human Development Report 1994: New Dimensions of Human Security. United Nations Development Programme.

Yab, J. (2024). Construction d’un État Développementaliste Communautaire : Le Cameroun. US Editions.

BEAC. (2023). Report on Informal Trade Flows in CEMAC. Bank of Central African States.

Construire un Axe Cameroun–Nigeria pour un Développement Sud-Sud Structurant

2nd juin 2025
Pr Jimmy Yab & Président Olusegun Obasanjo

Une proposition stratégique du MLDC fondée sur l’État Développementaliste Communautaire. Pr. Jimmy Yab- Président du MLDC. Président de l’Observatoire Chine–Afrique Francophone (OCAF) Professeur de relations internationales

Résumé

Dans un contexte mondial de recomposition des pôles de pouvoir, le Cameroun reste fortement arrimé à des logiques diplomatiques héritées de la colonisation, alors même que les dynamiques Sud-Sud redessinent les routes du développement. Cet article propose une alternative stratégique portée par le Mouvement pour la Libération et le Développement du Cameroun (MLDC) : l’ouverture d’un axe structurant de coopération bilatérale Cameroun–Nigeria, dans le cadre de l’État Développementaliste Communautaire (EDC). Ce partenariat, s’inspirant des modèles asiatiques d’industrialisation planifiée et de diplomatie pragmatique, pourrait accélérer l’intégration régionale, renforcer la souveraineté économique du Cameroun et stabiliser les zones frontalières à travers une diplomatie de développement. L’analyse mobilise des données économiques récentes, des références académiques et l’expertise acquise par l’auteur dans le cadre de ses travaux à l’Observatoire Chine-Afrique Francophone (OCAF).

1. Introduction : l’urgence d’une refondation diplomatique

La photographie prise lors du 70e anniversaire de la Chinese People’s Association for Friendship with Foreign Countries (CPAFFC) à Pékin, où l’auteur fut le seul représentant du Cameroun, aux côtés du président Olusegun Obasanjo, est plus qu’un symbole. Elle révèle un vide stratégique dans la représentation diplomatique camerounaise. À l’heure où le monde se réorganise autour d’alliances régionales Sud-Sud (Cheru & Obi, 2010), le Cameroun reste absent des grandes plateformes de co-développement, prisonnier d’une diplomatie alignée sur des logiques franco-centrées.

Cette absence diplomatique traduit une crise structurelle de vision, que le MLDC propose de dépasser par une diplomatie développementale ancrée dans la sous-région, avec le Nigeria comme partenaire stratégique de premier rang. Dans cette perspective, l’État Développementaliste Communautaire fournit le cadre doctrinal et institutionnel adéquat pour penser un nouvel ordre régional africain piloté par des États souverains et solidaires.

2. Le fondement doctrinal : l’État Développementaliste Communautaire comme levier d’intégration régionale

Inspiré des modèles asiatiques (Japon, Corée, Chine, Vietnam), l’État Développementaliste Communautaire prôné par le MLDC repose sur trois axes de souveraineté : politique, économique, et technologique (Yab, 2024). Il rompt avec les paradigmes de dépendance vis-à-vis des bailleurs internationaux pour privilégier une logique de planification nationale et d’intégration régionale.

Comme le souligne Leftwich (1995), le développement ne résulte pas d’une libéralisation automatique des marchés, mais de l’autonomie stratégique d’un État inséré dans ses communautés nationales et régionales. L’EDC permet de repenser l’action extérieure non comme un outil de représentation passive, mais comme une politique publique de transformation structurelle.

3. Le Nigeria : puissance sous-exploitée dans la stratégie régionale camerounaise

Avec un PIB de 477 milliards USD (FMI, 2023), une population de plus de 230 millions d’habitants, des réserves massives de gaz et une industrie manufacturière en développement, le Nigeria est la première puissance économique du continent. Pourtant, le Cameroun n’a jamais structuré de véritable coopération bilatérale de haut niveau avec Abuja, malgré une frontière de 1 500 kilomètres et des flux commerciaux informels estimés à plus de 500 millions USD en 2022 (BEAC, 2023).

Le MLDC propose de transformer cette cohabitation frontalière informelle en axe structurant de codéveloppement, autour de corridors logistiques (Garoua–Maiduguri, Bamenda–Enugu), de zones économiques conjointes, et d’une coopération industrielle sur les chaînes de valeur régionales (élevage, textile, agriculture, énergie).

4. Une diplomatie académique et opérationnelle : le rôle de l’OCAF

En tant que président de l’Observatoire Chine–Afrique Francophone, l’auteur a mené de nombreuses analyses comparatives sur les modalités de coopération sino-africaines. Contrairement à une vision simpliste, la Chine n’impose pas un modèle unique mais offre un cadre de négociation à géométrie variable, dans lequel l’État partenaire reste responsable de son agenda (Brautigam, 2009).

C’est à cette école stratégique que s’inspire notre proposition : une co-diplomatie de développement, dans laquelle le Cameroun co-construit avec le Nigeria :

Un Institut Cameroun–Nigeria pour le développement Sud-Sud, basé à Garoua ou Maroua, pour former les cadres de la coopération régionale. Des programmes universitaires conjoints entre Yaoundé I, Douala, Ibadan, Nsukka, Zaria, pour mutualiser les expertises en agriculture, santé, sécurité, industrie. Une stratégie commune d’attractivité des IDE africains et asiatiques, notamment pour financer les infrastructures partagées.

5. Sécurité régionale : la paix par le développement intégré

La frontière Cameroun–Nigeria, en particulier dans l’Extrême-Nord, reste marquée par des insécurités multiformes : Boko Haram, bandes transfrontalières, pauvreté extrême. Le MLDC propose une doctrine de sécurité développementale, inspirée du concept de “human security” (UNDP, 1994), qui conjugue action militaire, inclusion sociale, et intégration économique.

Cette doctrine repose sur :

Des forces conjointes de sécurité communautaire, financées par les deux États ; Des projets de stabilisation économique dans les zones à risque (routes, écoles, hôpitaux) ; Des centres de réinsertion régionale pour les ex-combattants, adossés à des programmes d’alphabétisation et de formation professionnelle.

6. Une rupture stratégique avec la diplomatie de l’attentisme

Contrairement aux politiques étrangères actuelles du Cameroun, qui se contentent d’une diplomatie de représentation et d’influence symbolique, l’approche du MLDC est fondée sur une diplomatie d’impact, orientée vers des objectifs de souveraineté et de développement.

La proposition d’un axe Cameroun–Nigeria s’inscrit dans une logique offensive, fondée sur une lecture réaliste de l’environnement régional. Elle rejoint l’idée selon laquelle les alliances Sud-Sud bien pensées constituent aujourd’hui des leviers stratégiques comparables aux anciens traités bilatéraux avec les puissances du Nord (Mohan & Tan-Mullins, 2019).

Conclusion : pour une géodiplomatie développementale panafricaine

Le MLDC propose un véritable tournant géopolitique pour le Cameroun. En réorientant la diplomatie camerounaise vers des partenariats Sud-Sud pragmatiques, à commencer par le Nigeria, il redonne à la politique étrangère sa mission historique : soutenir l’indépendance nationale, accélérer le développement, garantir la paix.

L’État Développementaliste Communautaire n’est pas un simple modèle administratif, mais un cadre stratégique et opérationnel pour inscrire le Cameroun dans une Afrique forte, intégrée, et souveraine.

« Celui qui n’est pas à la table des négociations est au menu de l’histoire. »

— Pr. Jimmy Yab

Références

Brautigam, D. (2009). The Dragon’s Gift: The Real Story of China in Africa. Oxford University Press.

Cheru, F., & Obi, C. (2010). The Rise of China and India in Africa: Challenges, Opportunities and Critical Interventions. Zed Books.

Evans, P. (1995). Embedded Autonomy: States and Industrial Transformation. Princeton University Press.

FMI. (2023). World Economic Outlook. Fonds Monétaire International.

Leftwich, A. (1995). Bringing Politics Back In: Towards a Model of the Developmental State.

Journal of Development Studies, 31(3), 400–427.

Mohan, G., & Tan-Mullins, M. (2019). The Geopolitics of South-South Infrastructure Development: Chinese-Funded Transport Projects in Ethiopia and Kenya.

Political Geography, 73, 31–43. UNDP. (1994). Human Development Report 1994: New Dimensions of Human Security. United Nations Development Programme.

Yab, J. (2024). Construction d’un État Développementaliste Communautaire : Le Cameroun. Éditions US.

BEAC. (2023). Rapport sur les échanges informels dans la CEMAC. Banque des États de l’Afrique Centrale.

MLDC’s CALL FOR INTERNATIONAL OVERSIGHT OF ELECTIONS IN CAMEROON: Why Elders Like OLUSEGUN OBASANJO Must Supervise Elections Cameroon’s (ELECAM) Audit for Credible Presidential Elections in Cameroon in 2025

16th novembre 2024
Pr Jimmy Yab & Président OLUSEGUN OBASANJO

Abstract

Cameroon’s democratic future hangs in the balance as the nation prepares for the 2025 presidential elections amidst widespread distrust in its electoral body, ELECAM. High rejection rates of voter registrations, reaching 87% in some constituencies, signal systemic failures that threaten the credibility of the electoral process. In response, the Movement for the Liberation and Development of Cameroon (MLDC) has called for an international audit of ELECAM, advocating for elder statesmen like Olusegun Obasanjo to oversee the process. This article explores why Cameroon urgently needs global oversight for its electoral reforms, drawing lessons from Kenya, Ghana, and Nigeria while situating the MLDC’s proposals within a broader framework for democratic renewal and geopolitical stability in Central Africa.

Keywords: Cameroon, MLDC, ELECAM, electoral reform, Olusegun Obasanjo, democracy, international audit, African leadership.

Introduction: A Nation in Need of Credible Elections

Cameroon is facing a crisis of confidence in its electoral process, with the 2025 presidential elections looming as a critical test of its democratic integrity. The alarming rejection rates of voter registrations revealed by ELECAM have sparked widespread concerns about voter suppression and administrative failures. In this context, the Movement for the Liberation and Development of Cameroon (MLDC) has proposed a groundbreaking solution: an international audit of ELECAM, supervised by respected elder statesmen like Olusegun Obasanjo.

This proposal reflects the MLDC’s commitment to building a credible, inclusive electoral system as part of its broader vision for a developmentalist state. The involvement of figures like Obasanjo—renowned for their impartiality and experience in resolving electoral disputes—could restore public trust and set the stage for meaningful reforms. By drawing on lessons from other African nations, this article argues for the urgency of international oversight to safeguard Cameroon’s democracy.

ELECAM’s Failures and the Urgency for Reform

1. The Alarming Voter Rejection Rates

Data from ELECAM reveals rejection rates as high as 87% in constituencies like Yaoundé 5, primarily attributed to failures in biometric registration systems. Such figures highlight critical flaws in Cameroon’s electoral infrastructure, undermining public confidence in the fairness of the upcoming elections.

2. A Crisis of Public Trust

Widespread accusations of partisanship and incompetence against ELECAM have fueled public disillusionment. The lack of transparency in voter registration processes has raised concerns about voter suppression, particularly in opposition strongholds, deepening political tensions.

3. Regional and Global Implications

Cameroon’s political stability is crucial for the broader Central African region. Electoral failure in Cameroon could exacerbate regional instability, disrupt economic integration efforts, and provide opportunities for extremist groups like Boko Haram to exploit the resulting chaos. Ensuring credible elections is, therefore, not just a domestic priority but a regional necessity.

Why International Oversight Is Crucial

1. Restoring Public Confidence

The appointment of an international audit team led by figures like Olusegun Obasanjo would reassure Cameroonians of the impartiality and transparency of the process. Public trust is a cornerstone of democratic legitimacy, and an international audit could provide the accountability ELECAM currently lacks.

2. Aligning with Best Practices

African nations like Ghana and Kenya have demonstrated the importance of international oversight in building credible electoral systems. Ghana’s adoption of biometric voter technology and Kenya’s post-crisis electoral reforms, both supported by international observers, serve as models for Cameroon.

3. Preventing Political Crises

Nigeria’s peaceful transfer of power in 2015, facilitated by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and supported by international observers, underscores the importance of credible elections in preventing political instability. Cameroon must learn from these examples to avoid electoral disputes that could lead to unrest.

4. Leveraging African Expertise

Elder statesmen like Olusegun Obasanjo bring unparalleled experience and moral authority to electoral mediation. Obasanjo’s leadership in resolving disputes in Liberia (2017) and Zimbabwe (2008) demonstrates his ability to navigate complex political landscapes and foster consensus.

MLDC’s Vision: A Blueprint for Electoral Reform

The MLDC’s proposal for an international audit is part of its broader strategy to transform Cameroon into a developmentalist state rooted in transparency and accountability. The party’s recommendations include:

1. An Independent International Audit

The MLDC proposes a comprehensive audit of ELECAM’s operations, led by a team of international electoral experts, African statesmen, and civil society representatives.
Example: Kenya’s Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) benefited from similar oversight, which strengthened its credibility after the 2007 electoral crisis.

2. Upgrading Electoral Technology

To address the high rejection rates, the MLDC advocates for the adoption of advanced biometric technology, following the example of Ghana’s successful implementation of second-generation systems in 2020.

3. Ensuring Institutional Independence

The MLDC emphasizes the need to depoliticize ELECAM by restructuring its governance model to mirror South Africa’s Independent Electoral Commission (IEC), renowned for its impartiality and professionalism.

4. Multi-Stakeholder Oversight

The MLDC calls for the establishment of a multi-stakeholder advisory council, including representatives from political parties, civil society, and international observers, to monitor ELECAM’s activities and ensure accountability.

5. Nationwide Voter Education Campaigns

Recognizing the importance of informed citizen participation, the MLDC proposes a robust voter education campaign modeled on Nigeria’s « Vote Not Fight » initiative, which successfully engaged youth in peaceful electoral participation.

The Role of Olusegun Obasanjo in Electoral Transformation

Olusegun Obasanjo’s involvement in the proposed audit would be transformative. As a former Nigerian president and seasoned election observer, Obasanjo has a track record of mediating electoral disputes and fostering democratic transitions. His leadership would ensure that the audit is thorough, impartial, and credible, setting a new standard for electoral integrity in Cameroon.

Geopolitical Implications of Electoral Reform in Cameroon

1. Stabilizing Central Africa

Cameroon’s stability is vital for the economic and political integration of Central Africa. Credible elections would strengthen regional confidence in Cameroon’s leadership and foster collaboration on security and development initiatives.

2. Enhancing Cameroon’s Global Standing

By embracing international oversight, Cameroon can position itself as a leader in democratic governance in Africa. This would attract foreign investment and strengthen partnerships with global institutions committed to supporting democratic development.

3. Preventing External Interference

Transparent elections reduce the likelihood of external actors exploiting political instability for strategic or economic gains, safeguarding Cameroon’s sovereignty and national interests.

Conclusion: A Call for Action

The 2025 presidential elections present a critical opportunity for Cameroon to restore trust in its democratic institutions. The MLDC’s call for an international audit, led by elder statesmen like Olusegun Obasanjo, represents a bold and practical solution to the nation’s electoral crisis. By embracing this proposal, Cameroon can not only ensure credible elections but also reaffirm its commitment to democratic principles and regional stability. The time to act is now—before the crisis of confidence becomes a crisis of democracy.

References

  1. Annan, K. (2014). Interventions: A Life in War and Peace. New York: Penguin Press.
  2. Obasanjo, O. (2014). My Watch: A Memoir. Lagos: Prestige Publishers.
  3. Electoral Commission of Ghana. (2020). Biometric Voter Registration Lessons. Accra: ECG.
  4. Transparency International. (2023). Perceptions of Electoral Integrity in Africa. Berlin: Transparency International.
  5. IFES. (2021). Enhancing Electoral Integrity through Technology. Washington, DC: IFES.

Donald Trump and Africa: What to Expect in His Second Term

6th novembre 2024

Donald Trump USA presidential elections 2024

Donald Trump and Africa: What to Expect in His Second Term

As Donald Trump assumes office once again as the 47th President of the United States, many are looking to assess what his return to the White House might mean for Africa. Trump’s previous term (2017-2021) was marked by a controversial and often divisive approach to the continent, with critics highlighting his blunt rhetoric, while supporters argue he was the first to bring much-needed attention to the growing influence of China in Africa. As Trump returns, it’s likely that his policies towards Africa will continue to prioritize U.S. economic interests and countering Chinese influence on the continent, though the specifics may evolve given the current global and regional context.

A Controversial Start: Trump’s First Term and Africa

Donald Trump’s first term as president was characterized by moments that reflected a seemingly dismissive attitude towards Africa. In 2018, reports surfaced that he referred to some African nations as “s-hole countries” in a meeting, a comment that sparked widespread condemnation and left a lasting impact on his administration’s reputation in Africa. Many African leaders and citizens saw the comment as emblematic of a lack of respect and understanding from the Trump administration toward the continent.

Yet despite the controversy, Trump’s Africa policy also had a strategic focus, especially in terms of countering China’s growing influence. His administration consistently underscored the risks of Chinese involvement in Africa, especially concerning China’s investments and infrastructure projects across the continent. Many African nations had increasingly turned to China for economic assistance, with Beijing financing major projects from railways to highways through its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Trump and his advisors saw this as a potential threat to U.S. strategic interests and sought to push back against China’s foothold.

Countering China: An Ongoing Priority

One area where Trump’s supporters argue he made a significant contribution was in raising awareness about China’s influence in Africa. “You will again see aggressive countering of Chinese influence in Africa,” stated Tibor Nagy, former Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs under Trump. During Trump’s first term, Nagy and other officials frequently warned African leaders about the risks associated with Chinese debt and dependence, framing China as a “revisionist power” with interests that do not align with Africa’s long-term sovereignty and stability.

In Trump’s second term, this approach is expected to intensify, with an even greater focus on economic strategies that seek to curb China’s influence on the continent. Under Trump, the United States is likely to strengthen partnerships with African nations that share American views on economic sovereignty and could potentially benefit from alternatives to Chinese investment. Trump’s administration may explore initiatives such as the “Prosper Africa” initiative — an economic program from his first term aimed at boosting trade and investment between the U.S. and Africa — and expand on it to promote American business interests while creating competitive alternatives to China’s BRI.

Securing Critical Minerals for Green Technologies

One of the biggest areas of focus in Trump’s return to office will likely be securing access to Africa’s vast reserves of critical minerals, especially those essential to emerging green technologies. Africa is rich in minerals such as cobalt, lithium, and rare earth elements that are key components in the batteries used for electric vehicles, mobile phones, and other modern technologies. As the world moves toward greener energy solutions, the demand for these minerals is increasing rapidly, and the U.S. views stable access to these resources as a matter of national security.

“There is no denying that access to the many critical minerals that Africa has in great abundance is needed for America’s economy today as well as for the technologies that will lead us into the future,” said Ambassador J. Peter Pham, a former U.S. Special Envoy for the Sahel Region under Trump. Pham emphasizes that any monopolization of these supply chains — particularly by China, which has made strategic investments in Africa’s mining sector — represents a security risk for the United States. In his second term, Trump’s administration may push for partnerships and investments in Africa that help secure a more diverse and reliable supply chain for these resources, positioning the U.S. as a competitive partner to African nations looking to develop their mining industries.

A Transactional Approach to Diplomacy

In line with Trump’s signature “America First” philosophy, his approach to Africa is expected to remain transactional. Rather than promoting broad-based development aid, Trump’s policies are likely to focus on areas that directly serve U.S. interests, including trade, security, and resource acquisition. During his first term, Trump’s administration significantly cut foreign aid, and it is likely that he will continue to prioritize mutually beneficial agreements over traditional assistance. African nations that align with U.S. policy objectives may benefit from increased economic opportunities and security cooperation, while others may see reduced engagement from Washington.

Security and Counterterrorism Cooperation

Security cooperation in Africa, particularly in regions facing instability from extremist groups, was another aspect of Trump’s policy in his first term. The Sahel region, for instance, has seen a growing threat from terrorist groups such as Boko Haram and ISIS-affiliated organizations. The Trump administration supported counterterrorism initiatives in these regions, although his focus was often criticized as narrow and selective. In his second term, Trump is expected to continue supporting counterterrorism measures in Africa, especially if they align with U.S. security interests. However, Trump’s tendency to scale back American military involvement could lead to a more cautious approach, with the U.S. possibly encouraging regional allies and private security firms to take on a larger role.

What African Nations Can Expect

While the specifics of Trump’s Africa strategy remain to be seen, African leaders can expect an administration that prioritizes pragmatic partnerships over ideological commitments. Countries that are rich in critical minerals, aligned with U.S. anti-China policies, or play strategic roles in regional security may find themselves prioritized in Trump’s second term.

However, this transactional approach may also mean that countries that fail to align closely with U.S. interests could face disengagement. African nations may also be wary of Washington’s perceived unpredictability under Trump, with leaders potentially weighing whether to strengthen ties with other global powers such as China or Russia as a hedge against shifting U.S. policies.

A Different Kind of Engagement

Trump’s second term in office will likely bring a distinct and pragmatic engagement strategy with Africa, one that heavily focuses on securing U.S. economic interests, countering Chinese influence, and building selective security partnerships. African leaders and policymakers will have to navigate an evolving landscape, where U.S. engagement is driven by a transactional mindset rather than broad developmental goals. For better or worse, Trump’s approach to Africa may reshape the continent’s diplomatic landscape, making it essential for African leaders to weigh their own strategic priorities as they engage with the United States.

Obasanjo vs Global Leaders: Africa’s Diplomatic Future

19th octobre 2024

In a world where international affairs are dominated by leading diplomats such as Wang Yi of China, Sergey Lavrov of Russia, and Antony Blinken of the United States, Africa’s place on the global diplomatic stage remains crucial. These three personalities represent the finest in global diplomacy, each mastering complex geopolitical dynamics that shape global equilibrium. However, in this global arena, Africa must be represented by a figure who is both experienced, influential, and capable of defending African interests while navigating international tensions. For this role, Olusegun Obasanjo stands out as the ideal candidate to lead African diplomacy, surpassing even prominent figures like Naledi Pandor and Moussa Faki Mahamat. The following lines justifie the choice of OBASANJO as the head of African diplomacy in the face of the three global leaders, while illustrating why he stands out as the undisputed leader.

1. Olusegun Obasanjo’s Experience and International Stature

Olusegun Obasanjo, former President of Nigeria and veteran of international diplomacy, possesses unmatched experience that places him above many other African diplomats. Obasanjo led Nigeria, Africa’s largest economy, through critical periods of political and economic development, allowing him to forge strong ties with world leaders and international organizations.

As an international mediator, Obasanjo played a decisive role in resolving several African crises. For instance, he was instrumental in pacifying Liberia after years of civil war, where his diplomatic intervention led to lasting peace agreements. More recently, he was appointed as the African Union’s special envoy for the conflict in Tigray (Ethiopia). His status as a respected figure helped bring warring factions to the negotiation table, demonstrating his ability to resolve complex conflicts.

On the international stage, Obasanjo strengthened Africa’s ties with world powers such as China and the United States. As president, he played a key role in developing Sino-African cooperation, especially in infrastructure and energy sectors. His international stature and extensive diplomatic network make him one of the few African leaders capable of sitting at the same table as Wang Yi, Lavrov, and Blinken while effectively representing the continent’s interests.

2. Naledi Pandor’s Advocacy and Leadership

In second place, Naledi Pandor, South Africa’s Minister of International Relations and Cooperation, stands out for her strong defense of human rights and international justice. Pandor has repeatedly demonstrated her ability to take firm positions, even on sensitive issues, such as her condemnation of Israeli actions in Gaza. In August 2022, she publicly criticized Israeli bombings and called for international solidarity with the Palestinians, reflecting her commitment to humanitarian causes.

Furthermore, Pandor is a fervent advocate of African interests in international forums such as the BRICS and the G20, where she calls for greater integration of developing countries and reforms within global institutions like the United Nations Security Council. However, despite her commitment and dynamism, Pandor ranks second behind Obasanjo due to her relatively lesser experience in managing large-scale international crises and her less extensive diplomatic network globally.

3. Moussa Faki Mahamat and African Unity

In third place, Moussa Faki Mahamat, Chairperson of the African Union Commission, has demonstrated his commitment to African integration, notably through promoting the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). This economic initiative is one of the most ambitious for the continent and reflects his concern for strengthening intra-African cooperation.

Faki has also played a significant role in managing African conflicts, particularly in Libya and Ethiopia, where he has sought to facilitate African solutions to internal crises. However, Faki is less prominent on the global diplomatic stage than his counterparts. His actions are primarily focused on the continent, and he has less direct influence in international diplomatic circles than figures like Obasanjo or even Pandor. He remains a key actor for African unity, but his impact beyond the continent is more limited.

4. Olusegun Obasanjo Compared to Wang Yi, Lavrov, and Blinken

Compared to the three global diplomatic leaders, Olusegun Obasanjo stands out for his mediation-driven approach to diplomacy and international cooperation, while firmly defending African interests. For example, much like Wang Yi, who has extended China’s influence through initiatives such as the Belt and Road Initiative, Obasanjo has also sought to strengthen economic ties between Africa and world powers. He was one of the key promoters of Chinese investments in Africa, while maintaining balanced relations with the United States and Europe.

Unlike Sergey Lavrov, whose influence is heavily concentrated on East-West relations, Obasanjo has always maintained a more global approach, seeking to resolve crises across the African continent and develop strategic partnerships with multiple regions of the world. Lastly, in contrast to Blinken, who has recently shifted American diplomacy after a period of retreat, Obasanjo has been consistently active in international affairs, representing Africa in international forums and advocating for a more equitable global governance.

In conclusion, if Africa must choose a leader to spearhead its diplomacy in the face of global figures such as Wang Yi, Sergey Lavrov, and Antony Blinken, Olusegun Obasanjo is undoubtedly the most qualified candidate. His vast experience, international stature, and ability to navigate complex diplomatic contexts place him above his African counterparts. While Naledi Pandor and Moussa Faki Mahamat are influential figures, Obasanjo remains the only African diplomat capable of effectively representing the continent’s interests on the global stage while competing with the best diplomatic strategists of the 21st century.

PR JIMMY YAB