Étiquette : Dipolomacy

Building a Cameroon–Nigeria Axis for Structuring South–South Development

3rd juin 2025

A Strategic Proposal from the MLDC Based on the Community Developmental State (CDS)

Prof. Jimmy Yab. President of the MLDC. President of the Francophone China–Africa Observatory (OCAF). Professor of International Relations.

Prof Jimmy Yab & H.E. OLUSEGUN OBASANJO

Abstract

In a global context of shifting power poles, Cameroon remains deeply anchored in diplomatic frameworks inherited from colonialism, even as South–South dynamics are redrawing the paths of development. This article puts forward a strategic alternative led by the Mouvement pour la Libération et le Développement du Cameroun (MLDC): the creation of a structured bilateral cooperation axis between Cameroon and Nigeria, framed by the Community Developmental State (CDS) model. Drawing inspiration from Asian models of planned industrialization and pragmatic diplomacy, this partnership could accelerate regional integration, reinforce Cameroon’s economic sovereignty, and stabilize border zones through development-oriented diplomacy. The analysis draws upon recent economic data, academic references, and the author’s experience as president of the Francophone China–Africa Observatory (OCAF).

1. Introduction: The Urgency of Diplomatic Refoundation

A photo taken during the 70th anniversary of the Chinese People’s Association for Friendship with Foreign Countries (CPAFFC) in Beijing—where the author was the sole representative of Cameroon, standing alongside President Olusegun Obasanjo—is more than symbolic. It illustrates a strategic vacuum in Cameroon’s diplomatic presence. While the world is restructuring around regional South–South alliances (Cheru & Obi, 2010), Cameroon remains absent from major co-development platforms, held captive by a France-centric diplomatic approach.

This diplomatic absence signals a structural crisis of vision, which the MLDC seeks to overcome through a developmental diplomacy rooted in the sub-region, positioning Nigeria as a first-tier strategic partner. Within this framework, the Community Developmental State offers the doctrinal and institutional basis to envision a new African regional order, led by sovereign and mutually supportive states.

2. Doctrinal Foundations: The Community Developmental State as a Lever for Regional Integration

Inspired by Asian models (Japan, South Korea, China, Vietnam), the Community Developmental State advocated by the MLDC rests on three pillars of sovereignty: political, economic, and technological (Yab, 2024). It breaks away from paradigms of dependence on international donors in favor of national planning and regional integration.

As Leftwich (1995) emphasizes, development does not arise from automatic market liberalization, but from the strategic autonomy of a state embedded in its national and regional communities. The CDS reframes foreign action not as passive representation but as a public policy of structural transformation.

3. Nigeria: An Underutilized Power in Cameroon’s Regional Strategy

With a GDP of $477 billion (IMF, 2023), a population exceeding 230 million, vast gas reserves, and a growing manufacturing sector, Nigeria is the continent’s leading economic power. Yet, Cameroon has never developed a high-level bilateral cooperation framework with Abuja—despite sharing a 1,500 km border and informal trade flows estimated at over $500 million in 2022 (BEAC, 2023).

The MLDC proposes transforming this informal border coexistence into a structured co-development axis, built around logistical corridors (Garoua–Maiduguri, Bamenda–Enugu), joint economic zones, and industrial cooperation on regional value chains (livestock, textiles, agriculture, energy).

4. Academic and Operational Diplomacy: The Role of OCAF

As President of the Francophone China–Africa Observatory, the author has conducted numerous comparative analyses on Sino-African cooperation modalities. Contrary to simplistic interpretations, China does not impose a single model but offers a flexible negotiation framework in which the partner state remains responsible for its agenda (Brautigam, 2009).

It is this strategic school that informs our proposal: a co-diplomacy of development, in which Cameroon co-constructs with Nigeria:

A Cameroon–Nigeria Institute for South–South Development, based in Garoua or Maroua, to train regional cooperation personnel; Joint university programs linking Yaoundé I, Douala, Ibadan, Nsukka, Zaria, to share expertise in agriculture, health, security, and industry; A shared strategy to attract African and Asian FDI, particularly for financing common infrastructure.

5. Regional Security: Peace Through Integrated Development

The Cameroon–Nigeria border, particularly in the Far North, remains plagued by multiple forms of insecurity: Boko Haram, cross-border banditry, extreme poverty. The MLDC proposes a doctrine of developmental security, inspired by the concept of “human security” (UNDP, 1994), which integrates military action, social inclusion, and economic integration.

This doctrine is based on:

Joint community-based security forces, funded by both states; Economic stabilization projects in at-risk areas (roads, schools, hospitals); Regional reintegration centers for former combatants, linked to literacy and vocational training programs.

6. A Strategic Break from Passive Diplomacy

Unlike Cameroon’s current foreign policies, which rely on symbolic representation and influence, the MLDC’s approach is grounded in impact diplomacy, oriented toward sovereignty and development goals.

The proposed Cameroon–Nigeria axis adopts an offensive posture, based on a realistic reading of the regional environment. It aligns with the notion that well-crafted South–South alliances are now strategic levers comparable to past bilateral treaties with Northern powers (Mohan & Tan-Mullins, 2019).

Conclusion: Toward a Pan-African Developmental Geodiplomacy

The MLDC puts forward a true geopolitical shift for Cameroon. By reorienting Cameroonian diplomacy toward pragmatic South–South partnerships—beginning with Nigeria—it restores foreign policy to its historical mission: supporting national independence, accelerating development, and ensuring peace.

The Community Developmental State is not merely an administrative model but a strategic and operational framework for situating Cameroon within a strong, integrated, and sovereign Africa.

“Those not at the negotiation table are on the menu of history.”

— Prof. Jimmy Yab

References

Brautigam, D. (2009). The Dragon’s Gift: The Real Story of China in Africa. Oxford University Press.

Cheru, F., & Obi, C. (2010). The Rise of China and India in Africa: Challenges, Opportunities and Critical Interventions. Zed Books.

Evans, P. (1995). Embedded Autonomy: States and Industrial Transformation. Princeton University Press.

IMF. (2023). World Economic Outlook. International Monetary Fund.

Leftwich, A. (1995). Bringing Politics Back In: Towards a Model of the Developmental State. Journal of Development Studies, 31(3), 400–427.

Mohan, G., & Tan-Mullins, M. (2019). The Geopolitics of South–South Infrastructure Development: Chinese-Funded Transport Projects in Ethiopia and Kenya. Political Geography, 73, 31–43.

UNDP. (1994). Human Development Report 1994: New Dimensions of Human Security. United Nations Development Programme.

Yab, J. (2024). Construction d’un État Développementaliste Communautaire : Le Cameroun. US Editions.

BEAC. (2023). Report on Informal Trade Flows in CEMAC. Bank of Central African States.

LA CHINE DÉÇUE PAR LE CAMEROUN ? ENTRE OPPORTUNITÉS MANQUÉES ET NÉGLIGENCE GÉOPOLITIQUE

1st décembre 2024
Nouvelle bâtisse de l’Assemblée Nationale construite par la Chine

Résumé

L’inauguration du nouveau bâtiment de l’Assemblée nationale camerounaise, construit par la Chine, illustre un engagement continu de Beijing dans les infrastructures africaines. Toutefois, une analyse comparative des investissements chinois en Afrique subsaharienne met en évidence un retard notable au Cameroun. Ce décalage découle principalement de la méconnaissance des mécanismes géopolitiques chinois et de la faiblesse institutionnelle de l’administration camerounaise. Cet article analyse la situation en profondeur, en s’appuyant sur des statistiques récentes et des références académiques pour comparer les investissements chinois au Cameroun avec ceux réalisés dans d’autres pays comme l’Éthiopie ou l’Angola, et propose des pistes pour une coopération bilatérale plus efficace.

Mots clés: Chine, Cameroun, investissement chinois, géopolitique, Afrique subsaharienne, infrastructures, Assemblée nationale camerounaise

Abstract:
The inauguration of Cameroon’s new National Assembly building, constructed by China, underscores Beijing’s sustained interest in African infrastructure. However, comparative analysis of Chinese investments in sub-Saharan Africa reveals Cameroon’s significant lag. This gap arises from inadequate understanding of Chinese geopolitical mechanisms and the weaknesses in Cameroon’s institutions. This article thoroughly examines the situation, utilizing recent statistics and academic references to compare Chinese investments in Cameroon with those in countries such as Ethiopia and Angola. It also offers insights on how to foster more effective bilateral cooperation.

Keywords: China, Cameroon, Chinese investment, geopolitics, sub-Saharan Africa, infrastructure, National Assembly building.

Pr Jimmy Yab et S.E. Wang Yi, Ministre des Affaires étrangères chinois

Introduction

L’inauguration du nouveau bâtiment de l’Assemblée nationale camerounaise, financé et construit par la République populaire de Chine, a eu lieu le 30 novembre 2024. Ce bâtiment moderne, d’une valeur estimée à 56 milliards de FCFA, symbolise la relation de longue date entre Beijing et Yaoundé. Pourtant, au-delà de cet acte diplomatique, se cache une réalité troublante : le Cameroun peine à capitaliser sur son partenariat avec la Chine. Tandis que d’autres pays africains comme l’Éthiopie, l’Angola ou encore le Kenya enregistrent des volumes d’investissements massifs et stratégiques, le Cameroun semble confiné à des projets symboliques. Pourquoi cette différence ? Ce retard s’explique par plusieurs facteurs, notamment l’absence d’une stratégie nationale cohérente et un déficit de connaissances sur les mécanismes de la coopération sino-africaine. Cet article s’interroge sur les causes profondes de cette stagnation et propose des pistes pour réorienter la relation sino-camerounaise vers une trajectoire plus ambitieuse.

Les investissements chinois au Cameroun : état des lieux

Les relations sino-camerounaises ont pris de l’ampleur depuis le début des années 2000, à la faveur de l’expansion de la diplomatie économique chinoise en Afrique. Parmi les projets phares, on peut citer le port en eau profonde de Kribi, réalisé grâce à un prêt de 1,3 milliard de dollars octroyé par Exim Bank China, et le barrage hydroélectrique de Memve’ele, qui a coûté environ 850 millions de dollars. Ces infrastructures visent à moderniser les capacités du Cameroun, mais leur impact économique reste limité en raison d’une gestion inefficace et d’une faible intégration dans les chaînes de valeur locales.

En termes de chiffres, le Cameroun a reçu environ 5 milliards de dollars d’investissements directs chinois entre 2000 et 2023, représentant moins de 3 % du total des investissements chinois en Afrique subsaharienne, estimé à 153 milliards de dollars sur la même période (Brautigam, 2019). À titre de comparaison, l’Angola a capté environ 42 milliards de dollars, tandis que l’Éthiopie en a reçu 16 milliards, principalement dans des secteurs productifs comme l’industrie et les transports (IMF, 2023). Cette différence illustre non seulement une volonté stratégique différente de la part de Beijing, mais aussi une incapacité du Cameroun à proposer des projets d’envergure répondant aux priorités chinoises.

Comparaison avec d’autres pays d’Afrique subsaharienne

L’Éthiopie représente un modèle exemplaire de coopération avec la Chine. Ce pays a su aligner ses priorités nationales avec la stratégie chinoise de la Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Le chemin de fer Addis-Abeba-Djibouti, financé à hauteur de 3,4 milliards de dollars par la Chine, a permis de réduire de moitié le coût et le temps de transport des marchandises entre les deux pays (World Bank, 2024). En parallèle, des parcs industriels comme celui de Hawassa, soutenus par des financements chinois, ont attiré des investisseurs étrangers et créé des milliers d’emplois.

En Angola, la Chine a joué un rôle clé dans la reconstruction post-guerre civile, notamment grâce à un mécanisme novateur de prêts garantis par le pétrole. Ce pays a bénéficié de plus de 500 projets financés par Beijing, allant des infrastructures routières aux hôpitaux, renforçant ainsi sa capacité à diversifier son économie (Mohan & Lampert, 2013).

En revanche, au Cameroun, les projets sont souvent perçus comme des « éléphants blancs ». Le port de Kribi, par exemple, fonctionne bien en deçà de sa capacité maximale en raison d’un manque de connexions ferroviaires et d’infrastructures logistiques appropriées. Cela reflète une planification déficiente et un manque d’intégration dans les réseaux régionaux.

Les raisons du retard camerounais

Plusieurs facteurs expliquent le faible niveau d’investissements chinois au Cameroun, malgré un potentiel évident :

  1. Faiblesse institutionnelle : Contrairement à des pays comme l’Éthiopie, où les projets sont intégrés dans un plan national de développement, le Cameroun manque d’une stratégie claire pour maximiser les opportunités offertes par la Chine.
  2. Méconnaissance des mécanismes chinois : L’administration camerounaise reste mal équipée pour naviguer dans la complexité des financements chinois, qui requièrent souvent des propositions bien documentées et alignées avec les objectifs de la BRI.
  3. Absence de leadership stratégique : Les responsables camerounais se concentrent souvent sur des projets symboliques, sans prendre en compte leur rentabilité économique ou leur durabilité à long terme.

En outre, les fonctionnaires chargés de négocier avec Beijing manquent souvent de formation spécifique en géopolitique chinoise. La Chine fonctionne selon des priorités stratégiques précises, basées sur le développement des infrastructures régionales et l’intégration économique. Sans une compréhension claire de ces dynamiques, le Cameroun risque de rester un partenaire secondaire dans les plans chinois pour l’Afrique.

Vers une coopération plus efficace

L’invitation officielle adressée au président de l’Association d’amitié Chine-Cameroun et de l’Observatoire Chine-Afrique francophone, Pr. JIMMY YAB, pour participer aux célébrations marquant le 75ᵉ anniversaire de la République populaire de Chine et le 70ᵉ anniversaire de l’Association du peuple chinois pour l’amitié avec les étrangers (CPAFFC) est un signe clair de la volonté de Beijing de renforcer ses relations avec le Cameroun. Cet événement, qui s’est tenu sous le thème « Approfondir l’amitié populaire sino-étrangère et promouvoir une communauté de destin pour l’humanité », met en lumière l’importance d’une diplomatie centrée sur les échanges culturels, économiques et stratégiques.

1. Mieux intégrer les mécanismes de la diplomatie chinoise

La Chine privilégie une approche multilatérale qui s’appuie sur des organisations comme la CPAFFC pour bâtir des relations bilatérales solides. Cependant, le Cameroun doit apprendre à tirer parti de ces plateformes en participant activement aux dialogues et en proposant des projets alignés sur les priorités stratégiques chinoises. Les objectifs de Beijing dans la région incluent notamment :

  • Le développement des infrastructures transnationales pour intégrer les économies régionales.
  • La promotion de zones économiques spéciales (ZES) pour stimuler l’industrialisation.
  • Le renforcement des échanges culturels et académiques pour favoriser la compréhension mutuelle.

Recommandation : Créer un Comité permanent pour la coopération sino-camerounaise, sous l’égide de l’Association d’amitié Chine-Cameroun. Ce comité pourrait servir de plateforme pour identifier et prioriser des projets à soumettre aux instances chinoises, tout en veillant à ce qu’ils soient conformes aux besoins du Cameroun et aux orientations stratégiques de la Chine.

2. Capitaliser sur le rôle des échanges culturels et associatifs

Le rôle de la CPAFFC dans la diplomatie chinoise va au-delà des relations étatiques. Son approche consiste à établir des ponts via les associations et organisations de la société civile. Cette méthode permet d’élargir les perspectives de coopération en touchant directement les populations. En tant que président de l’Observatoire Chine-Afrique francophone, vous êtes bien placé pour utiliser cette invitation comme levier afin de :

  • Renforcer les relations interculturelles entre les deux pays par des programmes d’échange.
  • Organiser des séminaires et conférences sur le rôle des relations sino-africaines dans un contexte multipolaire.
  • Proposer des projets de recherche collaborative entre les universités camerounaises et chinoises sur des thèmes comme l’agriculture durable, la technologie ou la santé publique.

Exemple concret : En Éthiopie, les universités chinoises ont financé des programmes de formation en ingénierie pour former des cadres locaux capables de gérer les infrastructures financées par la Chine. Une telle initiative pourrait être répliquée au Cameroun.

3. Développer une stratégie nationale alignée sur la Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)

La BRI, initiative phare de la Chine, repose sur un réseau mondial d’infrastructures visant à stimuler le commerce et la connectivité. Malgré l’adhésion du Cameroun à ce programme, le pays reste absent des corridors majeurs de la BRI en Afrique. Par exemple, l’Éthiopie et Djibouti bénéficient de projets de transport intégrés qui facilitent le commerce intra-africain et avec l’Asie, tandis que le Cameroun n’a pas encore exploité son potentiel de hub régional.

Proposition stratégique :

  • Réhabiliter les corridors logistiques reliant le port de Kribi au Tchad et à la République centrafricaine.
  • Intégrer le Cameroun dans les chaînes de valeur régionales en développant des zones économiques spéciales soutenues par des financements chinois.
  • Favoriser les investissements dans des projets verts (énergies renouvelables, reboisement, etc.) pour aligner les priorités nationales avec les engagements environnementaux de la Chine.

4. Former une nouvelle génération de cadres en géopolitique chinoise

La compréhension des priorités chinoises exige des compétences spécifiques que la plupart des fonctionnaires camerounais ne possèdent pas actuellement. Il est donc impératif de former une nouvelle génération de cadres, non seulement dans la langue et la culture chinoises, mais aussi dans la géopolitique et les mécanismes de financement de la Chine.

Action immédiate : Collaborer avec la CPAFFC pour mettre en place un programme de formation continue destiné aux fonctionnaires et cadres du secteur privé, incluant des modules sur :

  • Les mécanismes de financement des banques chinoises (Exim Bank, Banque chinoise de développement).
  • Les principes de négociation des accords bilatéraux dans le cadre de la BRI.
  • L’utilisation des forums sino-africains (FOCAC) pour attirer des investissements stratégiques.

Conclusion

L’invitation de la CPAFFC au 75ᵉ anniversaire de la République populaire de Chine représente une opportunité unique pour le Cameroun de réévaluer et de renforcer sa coopération avec Beijing. En utilisant cette plateforme, le Cameroun peut s’inspirer des succès d’autres pays africains pour proposer des projets ambitieux, diversifier ses partenariats, et former une nouvelle génération de leaders capables de naviguer dans la complexité des relations sino-africaines. En combinant diplomatie culturelle et stratégie économique, le Cameroun pourrait devenir un acteur majeur de la coopération sino-africaine au XXIᵉ siècle.

MLDC’s CALL FOR INTERNATIONAL OVERSIGHT OF ELECTIONS IN CAMEROON: Why Elders Like OLUSEGUN OBASANJO Must Supervise Elections Cameroon’s (ELECAM) Audit for Credible Presidential Elections in Cameroon in 2025

16th novembre 2024
Pr Jimmy Yab & Président OLUSEGUN OBASANJO

Abstract

Cameroon’s democratic future hangs in the balance as the nation prepares for the 2025 presidential elections amidst widespread distrust in its electoral body, ELECAM. High rejection rates of voter registrations, reaching 87% in some constituencies, signal systemic failures that threaten the credibility of the electoral process. In response, the Movement for the Liberation and Development of Cameroon (MLDC) has called for an international audit of ELECAM, advocating for elder statesmen like Olusegun Obasanjo to oversee the process. This article explores why Cameroon urgently needs global oversight for its electoral reforms, drawing lessons from Kenya, Ghana, and Nigeria while situating the MLDC’s proposals within a broader framework for democratic renewal and geopolitical stability in Central Africa.

Keywords: Cameroon, MLDC, ELECAM, electoral reform, Olusegun Obasanjo, democracy, international audit, African leadership.

Introduction: A Nation in Need of Credible Elections

Cameroon is facing a crisis of confidence in its electoral process, with the 2025 presidential elections looming as a critical test of its democratic integrity. The alarming rejection rates of voter registrations revealed by ELECAM have sparked widespread concerns about voter suppression and administrative failures. In this context, the Movement for the Liberation and Development of Cameroon (MLDC) has proposed a groundbreaking solution: an international audit of ELECAM, supervised by respected elder statesmen like Olusegun Obasanjo.

This proposal reflects the MLDC’s commitment to building a credible, inclusive electoral system as part of its broader vision for a developmentalist state. The involvement of figures like Obasanjo—renowned for their impartiality and experience in resolving electoral disputes—could restore public trust and set the stage for meaningful reforms. By drawing on lessons from other African nations, this article argues for the urgency of international oversight to safeguard Cameroon’s democracy.

ELECAM’s Failures and the Urgency for Reform

1. The Alarming Voter Rejection Rates

Data from ELECAM reveals rejection rates as high as 87% in constituencies like Yaoundé 5, primarily attributed to failures in biometric registration systems. Such figures highlight critical flaws in Cameroon’s electoral infrastructure, undermining public confidence in the fairness of the upcoming elections.

2. A Crisis of Public Trust

Widespread accusations of partisanship and incompetence against ELECAM have fueled public disillusionment. The lack of transparency in voter registration processes has raised concerns about voter suppression, particularly in opposition strongholds, deepening political tensions.

3. Regional and Global Implications

Cameroon’s political stability is crucial for the broader Central African region. Electoral failure in Cameroon could exacerbate regional instability, disrupt economic integration efforts, and provide opportunities for extremist groups like Boko Haram to exploit the resulting chaos. Ensuring credible elections is, therefore, not just a domestic priority but a regional necessity.

Why International Oversight Is Crucial

1. Restoring Public Confidence

The appointment of an international audit team led by figures like Olusegun Obasanjo would reassure Cameroonians of the impartiality and transparency of the process. Public trust is a cornerstone of democratic legitimacy, and an international audit could provide the accountability ELECAM currently lacks.

2. Aligning with Best Practices

African nations like Ghana and Kenya have demonstrated the importance of international oversight in building credible electoral systems. Ghana’s adoption of biometric voter technology and Kenya’s post-crisis electoral reforms, both supported by international observers, serve as models for Cameroon.

3. Preventing Political Crises

Nigeria’s peaceful transfer of power in 2015, facilitated by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and supported by international observers, underscores the importance of credible elections in preventing political instability. Cameroon must learn from these examples to avoid electoral disputes that could lead to unrest.

4. Leveraging African Expertise

Elder statesmen like Olusegun Obasanjo bring unparalleled experience and moral authority to electoral mediation. Obasanjo’s leadership in resolving disputes in Liberia (2017) and Zimbabwe (2008) demonstrates his ability to navigate complex political landscapes and foster consensus.

MLDC’s Vision: A Blueprint for Electoral Reform

The MLDC’s proposal for an international audit is part of its broader strategy to transform Cameroon into a developmentalist state rooted in transparency and accountability. The party’s recommendations include:

1. An Independent International Audit

The MLDC proposes a comprehensive audit of ELECAM’s operations, led by a team of international electoral experts, African statesmen, and civil society representatives.
Example: Kenya’s Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) benefited from similar oversight, which strengthened its credibility after the 2007 electoral crisis.

2. Upgrading Electoral Technology

To address the high rejection rates, the MLDC advocates for the adoption of advanced biometric technology, following the example of Ghana’s successful implementation of second-generation systems in 2020.

3. Ensuring Institutional Independence

The MLDC emphasizes the need to depoliticize ELECAM by restructuring its governance model to mirror South Africa’s Independent Electoral Commission (IEC), renowned for its impartiality and professionalism.

4. Multi-Stakeholder Oversight

The MLDC calls for the establishment of a multi-stakeholder advisory council, including representatives from political parties, civil society, and international observers, to monitor ELECAM’s activities and ensure accountability.

5. Nationwide Voter Education Campaigns

Recognizing the importance of informed citizen participation, the MLDC proposes a robust voter education campaign modeled on Nigeria’s « Vote Not Fight » initiative, which successfully engaged youth in peaceful electoral participation.

The Role of Olusegun Obasanjo in Electoral Transformation

Olusegun Obasanjo’s involvement in the proposed audit would be transformative. As a former Nigerian president and seasoned election observer, Obasanjo has a track record of mediating electoral disputes and fostering democratic transitions. His leadership would ensure that the audit is thorough, impartial, and credible, setting a new standard for electoral integrity in Cameroon.

Geopolitical Implications of Electoral Reform in Cameroon

1. Stabilizing Central Africa

Cameroon’s stability is vital for the economic and political integration of Central Africa. Credible elections would strengthen regional confidence in Cameroon’s leadership and foster collaboration on security and development initiatives.

2. Enhancing Cameroon’s Global Standing

By embracing international oversight, Cameroon can position itself as a leader in democratic governance in Africa. This would attract foreign investment and strengthen partnerships with global institutions committed to supporting democratic development.

3. Preventing External Interference

Transparent elections reduce the likelihood of external actors exploiting political instability for strategic or economic gains, safeguarding Cameroon’s sovereignty and national interests.

Conclusion: A Call for Action

The 2025 presidential elections present a critical opportunity for Cameroon to restore trust in its democratic institutions. The MLDC’s call for an international audit, led by elder statesmen like Olusegun Obasanjo, represents a bold and practical solution to the nation’s electoral crisis. By embracing this proposal, Cameroon can not only ensure credible elections but also reaffirm its commitment to democratic principles and regional stability. The time to act is now—before the crisis of confidence becomes a crisis of democracy.

References

  1. Annan, K. (2014). Interventions: A Life in War and Peace. New York: Penguin Press.
  2. Obasanjo, O. (2014). My Watch: A Memoir. Lagos: Prestige Publishers.
  3. Electoral Commission of Ghana. (2020). Biometric Voter Registration Lessons. Accra: ECG.
  4. Transparency International. (2023). Perceptions of Electoral Integrity in Africa. Berlin: Transparency International.
  5. IFES. (2021). Enhancing Electoral Integrity through Technology. Washington, DC: IFES.

Donald Trump and Africa: What to Expect in His Second Term

6th novembre 2024

Donald Trump USA presidential elections 2024

Donald Trump and Africa: What to Expect in His Second Term

As Donald Trump assumes office once again as the 47th President of the United States, many are looking to assess what his return to the White House might mean for Africa. Trump’s previous term (2017-2021) was marked by a controversial and often divisive approach to the continent, with critics highlighting his blunt rhetoric, while supporters argue he was the first to bring much-needed attention to the growing influence of China in Africa. As Trump returns, it’s likely that his policies towards Africa will continue to prioritize U.S. economic interests and countering Chinese influence on the continent, though the specifics may evolve given the current global and regional context.

A Controversial Start: Trump’s First Term and Africa

Donald Trump’s first term as president was characterized by moments that reflected a seemingly dismissive attitude towards Africa. In 2018, reports surfaced that he referred to some African nations as “s-hole countries” in a meeting, a comment that sparked widespread condemnation and left a lasting impact on his administration’s reputation in Africa. Many African leaders and citizens saw the comment as emblematic of a lack of respect and understanding from the Trump administration toward the continent.

Yet despite the controversy, Trump’s Africa policy also had a strategic focus, especially in terms of countering China’s growing influence. His administration consistently underscored the risks of Chinese involvement in Africa, especially concerning China’s investments and infrastructure projects across the continent. Many African nations had increasingly turned to China for economic assistance, with Beijing financing major projects from railways to highways through its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Trump and his advisors saw this as a potential threat to U.S. strategic interests and sought to push back against China’s foothold.

Countering China: An Ongoing Priority

One area where Trump’s supporters argue he made a significant contribution was in raising awareness about China’s influence in Africa. “You will again see aggressive countering of Chinese influence in Africa,” stated Tibor Nagy, former Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs under Trump. During Trump’s first term, Nagy and other officials frequently warned African leaders about the risks associated with Chinese debt and dependence, framing China as a “revisionist power” with interests that do not align with Africa’s long-term sovereignty and stability.

In Trump’s second term, this approach is expected to intensify, with an even greater focus on economic strategies that seek to curb China’s influence on the continent. Under Trump, the United States is likely to strengthen partnerships with African nations that share American views on economic sovereignty and could potentially benefit from alternatives to Chinese investment. Trump’s administration may explore initiatives such as the “Prosper Africa” initiative — an economic program from his first term aimed at boosting trade and investment between the U.S. and Africa — and expand on it to promote American business interests while creating competitive alternatives to China’s BRI.

Securing Critical Minerals for Green Technologies

One of the biggest areas of focus in Trump’s return to office will likely be securing access to Africa’s vast reserves of critical minerals, especially those essential to emerging green technologies. Africa is rich in minerals such as cobalt, lithium, and rare earth elements that are key components in the batteries used for electric vehicles, mobile phones, and other modern technologies. As the world moves toward greener energy solutions, the demand for these minerals is increasing rapidly, and the U.S. views stable access to these resources as a matter of national security.

“There is no denying that access to the many critical minerals that Africa has in great abundance is needed for America’s economy today as well as for the technologies that will lead us into the future,” said Ambassador J. Peter Pham, a former U.S. Special Envoy for the Sahel Region under Trump. Pham emphasizes that any monopolization of these supply chains — particularly by China, which has made strategic investments in Africa’s mining sector — represents a security risk for the United States. In his second term, Trump’s administration may push for partnerships and investments in Africa that help secure a more diverse and reliable supply chain for these resources, positioning the U.S. as a competitive partner to African nations looking to develop their mining industries.

A Transactional Approach to Diplomacy

In line with Trump’s signature “America First” philosophy, his approach to Africa is expected to remain transactional. Rather than promoting broad-based development aid, Trump’s policies are likely to focus on areas that directly serve U.S. interests, including trade, security, and resource acquisition. During his first term, Trump’s administration significantly cut foreign aid, and it is likely that he will continue to prioritize mutually beneficial agreements over traditional assistance. African nations that align with U.S. policy objectives may benefit from increased economic opportunities and security cooperation, while others may see reduced engagement from Washington.

Security and Counterterrorism Cooperation

Security cooperation in Africa, particularly in regions facing instability from extremist groups, was another aspect of Trump’s policy in his first term. The Sahel region, for instance, has seen a growing threat from terrorist groups such as Boko Haram and ISIS-affiliated organizations. The Trump administration supported counterterrorism initiatives in these regions, although his focus was often criticized as narrow and selective. In his second term, Trump is expected to continue supporting counterterrorism measures in Africa, especially if they align with U.S. security interests. However, Trump’s tendency to scale back American military involvement could lead to a more cautious approach, with the U.S. possibly encouraging regional allies and private security firms to take on a larger role.

What African Nations Can Expect

While the specifics of Trump’s Africa strategy remain to be seen, African leaders can expect an administration that prioritizes pragmatic partnerships over ideological commitments. Countries that are rich in critical minerals, aligned with U.S. anti-China policies, or play strategic roles in regional security may find themselves prioritized in Trump’s second term.

However, this transactional approach may also mean that countries that fail to align closely with U.S. interests could face disengagement. African nations may also be wary of Washington’s perceived unpredictability under Trump, with leaders potentially weighing whether to strengthen ties with other global powers such as China or Russia as a hedge against shifting U.S. policies.

A Different Kind of Engagement

Trump’s second term in office will likely bring a distinct and pragmatic engagement strategy with Africa, one that heavily focuses on securing U.S. economic interests, countering Chinese influence, and building selective security partnerships. African leaders and policymakers will have to navigate an evolving landscape, where U.S. engagement is driven by a transactional mindset rather than broad developmental goals. For better or worse, Trump’s approach to Africa may reshape the continent’s diplomatic landscape, making it essential for African leaders to weigh their own strategic priorities as they engage with the United States.

Obasanjo vs Global Leaders: Africa’s Diplomatic Future

19th octobre 2024

In a world where international affairs are dominated by leading diplomats such as Wang Yi of China, Sergey Lavrov of Russia, and Antony Blinken of the United States, Africa’s place on the global diplomatic stage remains crucial. These three personalities represent the finest in global diplomacy, each mastering complex geopolitical dynamics that shape global equilibrium. However, in this global arena, Africa must be represented by a figure who is both experienced, influential, and capable of defending African interests while navigating international tensions. For this role, Olusegun Obasanjo stands out as the ideal candidate to lead African diplomacy, surpassing even prominent figures like Naledi Pandor and Moussa Faki Mahamat. The following lines justifie the choice of OBASANJO as the head of African diplomacy in the face of the three global leaders, while illustrating why he stands out as the undisputed leader.

1. Olusegun Obasanjo’s Experience and International Stature

Olusegun Obasanjo, former President of Nigeria and veteran of international diplomacy, possesses unmatched experience that places him above many other African diplomats. Obasanjo led Nigeria, Africa’s largest economy, through critical periods of political and economic development, allowing him to forge strong ties with world leaders and international organizations.

As an international mediator, Obasanjo played a decisive role in resolving several African crises. For instance, he was instrumental in pacifying Liberia after years of civil war, where his diplomatic intervention led to lasting peace agreements. More recently, he was appointed as the African Union’s special envoy for the conflict in Tigray (Ethiopia). His status as a respected figure helped bring warring factions to the negotiation table, demonstrating his ability to resolve complex conflicts.

On the international stage, Obasanjo strengthened Africa’s ties with world powers such as China and the United States. As president, he played a key role in developing Sino-African cooperation, especially in infrastructure and energy sectors. His international stature and extensive diplomatic network make him one of the few African leaders capable of sitting at the same table as Wang Yi, Lavrov, and Blinken while effectively representing the continent’s interests.

2. Naledi Pandor’s Advocacy and Leadership

In second place, Naledi Pandor, South Africa’s Minister of International Relations and Cooperation, stands out for her strong defense of human rights and international justice. Pandor has repeatedly demonstrated her ability to take firm positions, even on sensitive issues, such as her condemnation of Israeli actions in Gaza. In August 2022, she publicly criticized Israeli bombings and called for international solidarity with the Palestinians, reflecting her commitment to humanitarian causes.

Furthermore, Pandor is a fervent advocate of African interests in international forums such as the BRICS and the G20, where she calls for greater integration of developing countries and reforms within global institutions like the United Nations Security Council. However, despite her commitment and dynamism, Pandor ranks second behind Obasanjo due to her relatively lesser experience in managing large-scale international crises and her less extensive diplomatic network globally.

3. Moussa Faki Mahamat and African Unity

In third place, Moussa Faki Mahamat, Chairperson of the African Union Commission, has demonstrated his commitment to African integration, notably through promoting the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). This economic initiative is one of the most ambitious for the continent and reflects his concern for strengthening intra-African cooperation.

Faki has also played a significant role in managing African conflicts, particularly in Libya and Ethiopia, where he has sought to facilitate African solutions to internal crises. However, Faki is less prominent on the global diplomatic stage than his counterparts. His actions are primarily focused on the continent, and he has less direct influence in international diplomatic circles than figures like Obasanjo or even Pandor. He remains a key actor for African unity, but his impact beyond the continent is more limited.

4. Olusegun Obasanjo Compared to Wang Yi, Lavrov, and Blinken

Compared to the three global diplomatic leaders, Olusegun Obasanjo stands out for his mediation-driven approach to diplomacy and international cooperation, while firmly defending African interests. For example, much like Wang Yi, who has extended China’s influence through initiatives such as the Belt and Road Initiative, Obasanjo has also sought to strengthen economic ties between Africa and world powers. He was one of the key promoters of Chinese investments in Africa, while maintaining balanced relations with the United States and Europe.

Unlike Sergey Lavrov, whose influence is heavily concentrated on East-West relations, Obasanjo has always maintained a more global approach, seeking to resolve crises across the African continent and develop strategic partnerships with multiple regions of the world. Lastly, in contrast to Blinken, who has recently shifted American diplomacy after a period of retreat, Obasanjo has been consistently active in international affairs, representing Africa in international forums and advocating for a more equitable global governance.

In conclusion, if Africa must choose a leader to spearhead its diplomacy in the face of global figures such as Wang Yi, Sergey Lavrov, and Antony Blinken, Olusegun Obasanjo is undoubtedly the most qualified candidate. His vast experience, international stature, and ability to navigate complex diplomatic contexts place him above his African counterparts. While Naledi Pandor and Moussa Faki Mahamat are influential figures, Obasanjo remains the only African diplomat capable of effectively representing the continent’s interests on the global stage while competing with the best diplomatic strategists of the 21st century.

PR JIMMY YAB