Building a Cameroon–Nigeria Axis for Structuring South–South Development

A Strategic Proposal from the MLDC Based on the Community Developmental State (CDS)

Prof. Jimmy Yab. President of the MLDC. President of the Francophone China–Africa Observatory (OCAF). Professor of International Relations.

Prof Jimmy Yab & H.E. OLUSEGUN OBASANJO

Abstract

In a global context of shifting power poles, Cameroon remains deeply anchored in diplomatic frameworks inherited from colonialism, even as South–South dynamics are redrawing the paths of development. This article puts forward a strategic alternative led by the Mouvement pour la Libération et le Développement du Cameroun (MLDC): the creation of a structured bilateral cooperation axis between Cameroon and Nigeria, framed by the Community Developmental State (CDS) model. Drawing inspiration from Asian models of planned industrialization and pragmatic diplomacy, this partnership could accelerate regional integration, reinforce Cameroon’s economic sovereignty, and stabilize border zones through development-oriented diplomacy. The analysis draws upon recent economic data, academic references, and the author’s experience as president of the Francophone China–Africa Observatory (OCAF).

1. Introduction: The Urgency of Diplomatic Refoundation

A photo taken during the 70th anniversary of the Chinese People’s Association for Friendship with Foreign Countries (CPAFFC) in Beijing—where the author was the sole representative of Cameroon, standing alongside President Olusegun Obasanjo—is more than symbolic. It illustrates a strategic vacuum in Cameroon’s diplomatic presence. While the world is restructuring around regional South–South alliances (Cheru & Obi, 2010), Cameroon remains absent from major co-development platforms, held captive by a France-centric diplomatic approach.

This diplomatic absence signals a structural crisis of vision, which the MLDC seeks to overcome through a developmental diplomacy rooted in the sub-region, positioning Nigeria as a first-tier strategic partner. Within this framework, the Community Developmental State offers the doctrinal and institutional basis to envision a new African regional order, led by sovereign and mutually supportive states.

2. Doctrinal Foundations: The Community Developmental State as a Lever for Regional Integration

Inspired by Asian models (Japan, South Korea, China, Vietnam), the Community Developmental State advocated by the MLDC rests on three pillars of sovereignty: political, economic, and technological (Yab, 2024). It breaks away from paradigms of dependence on international donors in favor of national planning and regional integration.

As Leftwich (1995) emphasizes, development does not arise from automatic market liberalization, but from the strategic autonomy of a state embedded in its national and regional communities. The CDS reframes foreign action not as passive representation but as a public policy of structural transformation.

3. Nigeria: An Underutilized Power in Cameroon’s Regional Strategy

With a GDP of $477 billion (IMF, 2023), a population exceeding 230 million, vast gas reserves, and a growing manufacturing sector, Nigeria is the continent’s leading economic power. Yet, Cameroon has never developed a high-level bilateral cooperation framework with Abuja—despite sharing a 1,500 km border and informal trade flows estimated at over $500 million in 2022 (BEAC, 2023).

The MLDC proposes transforming this informal border coexistence into a structured co-development axis, built around logistical corridors (Garoua–Maiduguri, Bamenda–Enugu), joint economic zones, and industrial cooperation on regional value chains (livestock, textiles, agriculture, energy).

4. Academic and Operational Diplomacy: The Role of OCAF

As President of the Francophone China–Africa Observatory, the author has conducted numerous comparative analyses on Sino-African cooperation modalities. Contrary to simplistic interpretations, China does not impose a single model but offers a flexible negotiation framework in which the partner state remains responsible for its agenda (Brautigam, 2009).

It is this strategic school that informs our proposal: a co-diplomacy of development, in which Cameroon co-constructs with Nigeria:

A Cameroon–Nigeria Institute for South–South Development, based in Garoua or Maroua, to train regional cooperation personnel; Joint university programs linking Yaoundé I, Douala, Ibadan, Nsukka, Zaria, to share expertise in agriculture, health, security, and industry; A shared strategy to attract African and Asian FDI, particularly for financing common infrastructure.

5. Regional Security: Peace Through Integrated Development

The Cameroon–Nigeria border, particularly in the Far North, remains plagued by multiple forms of insecurity: Boko Haram, cross-border banditry, extreme poverty. The MLDC proposes a doctrine of developmental security, inspired by the concept of “human security” (UNDP, 1994), which integrates military action, social inclusion, and economic integration.

This doctrine is based on:

Joint community-based security forces, funded by both states; Economic stabilization projects in at-risk areas (roads, schools, hospitals); Regional reintegration centers for former combatants, linked to literacy and vocational training programs.

6. A Strategic Break from Passive Diplomacy

Unlike Cameroon’s current foreign policies, which rely on symbolic representation and influence, the MLDC’s approach is grounded in impact diplomacy, oriented toward sovereignty and development goals.

The proposed Cameroon–Nigeria axis adopts an offensive posture, based on a realistic reading of the regional environment. It aligns with the notion that well-crafted South–South alliances are now strategic levers comparable to past bilateral treaties with Northern powers (Mohan & Tan-Mullins, 2019).

Conclusion: Toward a Pan-African Developmental Geodiplomacy

The MLDC puts forward a true geopolitical shift for Cameroon. By reorienting Cameroonian diplomacy toward pragmatic South–South partnerships—beginning with Nigeria—it restores foreign policy to its historical mission: supporting national independence, accelerating development, and ensuring peace.

The Community Developmental State is not merely an administrative model but a strategic and operational framework for situating Cameroon within a strong, integrated, and sovereign Africa.

“Those not at the negotiation table are on the menu of history.”

— Prof. Jimmy Yab

References

Brautigam, D. (2009). The Dragon’s Gift: The Real Story of China in Africa. Oxford University Press.

Cheru, F., & Obi, C. (2010). The Rise of China and India in Africa: Challenges, Opportunities and Critical Interventions. Zed Books.

Evans, P. (1995). Embedded Autonomy: States and Industrial Transformation. Princeton University Press.

IMF. (2023). World Economic Outlook. International Monetary Fund.

Leftwich, A. (1995). Bringing Politics Back In: Towards a Model of the Developmental State. Journal of Development Studies, 31(3), 400–427.

Mohan, G., & Tan-Mullins, M. (2019). The Geopolitics of South–South Infrastructure Development: Chinese-Funded Transport Projects in Ethiopia and Kenya. Political Geography, 73, 31–43.

UNDP. (1994). Human Development Report 1994: New Dimensions of Human Security. United Nations Development Programme.

Yab, J. (2024). Construction d’un État Développementaliste Communautaire : Le Cameroun. US Editions.

BEAC. (2023). Report on Informal Trade Flows in CEMAC. Bank of Central African States.

FORGED PRESIDENTIAL SIGNATURE IN CAMEROON? MLDC DEMANDS SCIENTIFIC INVESTIGATION TO REVEAL THE TRUTH

Three apparently different signatures of the President of the Republic of Cameroon

Abstract

This article scientifically analyzes the authenticity of signatures affixed to recent decrees from the Presidency of the Republic of Cameroon. Using the presidential signature captured live and publicly broadcast during the Final Communiqué of the Extraordinary CEMAC Summit held in Yaoundé on December 16, 2024, we compare this signature with those found on official decrees signed in early December 2024. The observed discrepancies raise significant questions about potential falsification or manipulation of these documents. This study highlights the consequences of such manipulation on the credibility of the State, national trust, and Cameroon’s international relations. Finally, it offers recommendations to restore transparency and strengthen document security mechanisms.

Keywords

Presidential signature, Document authenticity, Political manipulation, Trust crisis, Document security, Cameroon, MLDC, Friedman, Paul Biya, Dawson, Martin et Smith.

Final Communiqué of the CEMAC Extraordinary Summit held in Yaoundé on December 16, 2024

Introduction
The presidential signature occupies a central place in the functioning of the State. It guarantees the legitimacy of the administrative and political acts of the executive branch, while embodying national sovereignty. During the CEMAC Extraordinary Summit held on December 16, 2024 in Yaoundé, the signature of the President of the Republic, Paul Biya, was carried out live, under the watchful eye of the heads of state present and the international media. This signature, broadcast on television, thus constitutes an authentic visual reference.

However, an in-depth analysis of recent decrees signed in early December 2024 reveals troubling divergences. These signatures, which differ from the visual reference of the CEMAC Summit, raise fundamental questions: is this a falsification or an administrative error? The implications of such manipulation could be disastrous for institutional stability, public confidence and Cameroon’s reputation on the international scene. As Friedman (2021) points out, “the integrity of official documents is the cornerstone of democratic governance and the rule of law.”

This article, structured around a scientific analysis of signatures, examines these inconsistencies using rigorous visual and graphological comparison methods. It also explores the possible consequences of falsification and proposes concrete solutions to ensure the integrity of official documents in the future.

A. Methodology
The approach adopted is based on a multi-step methodology aimed at establishing the reliability of the presidential signatures examined:

  1. Collection of official documents from the official website of the Presidency of the Republic of Cameroon: https://www.prc.cm
    The decrees analyzed include:
    1.1. Decree No. 2024/638: financing of the rice value chain.
Decree No. 2024/638 of December 2, 2024 relating to the financing of the Rice Value Chain Development Project in Cameroon (PDCVRC)

1.2. Decree No. 2024/643: appointment to the Ministry of Scientific Research

Decree No. 2024/643 of December 3, 2024 appointing an Inspector General at the Ministry of Scientific Research and Innovation

1.3. Decree No. 2024/637: promotion to the higher rank of the defense forces

Decree No. 2024/637 of December 2, 2024 promoting to the higher rank of an Active Officer of the Defense Forces, as of the second half of the 2024 budget year, as a regularization

1.4.Decree No. 2024/639: financing of the video surveillance system.

Decree No. 2024/639 of December 2, 2024 relating to the partial financing of the National Extension Project of the Intelligent Urban Video Surveillance System

1.5. Decree No. 2024/642: loan for the electricity sector

Decree No. 2024-642 of December 3, 2024 authorizing MINEPAT to sign – with the AfDB – a Loan Agreement for the financing of the Support Program for the Recovery of the Electricity Sector in Cameroon (PARSEC)
  1. Comparative analysis of signatures
    Scientific analysis of discrepancies:
    Each signature was visually and graphically evaluated to identify anomalies that could suggest manipulation. Signatures were compared according to the following criteria:

-Letter inclination: the regularity of the writing.
-Pen pressure: uniformity of the strokes, thick and thin areas.
-Fluidity of the curves: consistency and continuity of the handwritten movement.

2.1. Reference signature:
The signature made live during the CEMAC Final Communiqué constitutes the standard of comparison.This methodology is based on proven techniques in documentary analysis. As Martin and Smith (2020) note, “a forged signature is distinguished by a lack of natural fluidity and an absence of continuity in the strokes.”

B. Analysis of Signatures of Decrees and Results

Decree No. 2024-638 and Decree No. 2024-637:
When examining the signatures affixed to these two decrees, several inconsistencies appear:
-The inclination of the letters is irregular, unlike the authentic signature.
-The pressure of the pen varies excessively, with abnormally thick areas.
-Some letters appear distorted or hesitant, which is not characteristic of natural writing.
Decree No. 2024-639:
In this decree, the signature presents more rigid and mechanical strokes, suggesting a possible automated reproduction. The visual comparison clearly shows a lack of fluidity.
Decree No. 2024-642 and Decree No. 2024-643:
These two signatures are the most troubling. They display striking differences with the reference signature, including:
-Misaligned letters.
-A disproportion in the curves and loops.
-A lack of continuity in the movement of the pen.
These inconsistencies, compared to the authentic signature of the Final Communiqué, suggest a potential manipulation or a potential falsification.

C. Consequences of a Manipulation

  1. Crisis of National Confidence
    The falsification of the presidential signature is an extremely serious act that can lead to a total breakdown of trust between the Cameroonian people and their institutions. The signature of the Head of State symbolizes the sovereignty, legitimacy and continuity of the State. When doubt arises about the authenticity of such a signature, it calls into question the validity of the decrees and decisions taken, thus weakening the foundations of the social contract between the governors and the governed. A generalized loss of confidence can extend to all structures of the State, in particular public administrations, law enforcement and the judicial system, perceived as complicit or ineffective in the face of such manipulation. Furthermore, this crisis of legitimacy could give rise to citizen protests, fueling a climate of social and political instability. The Cameroonian people, already facing many socio-economic challenges, would see this situation as further proof of weak governance. Ultimately, this crisis could delegitimize all decisions taken by the government, leading to a blockage of reforms and projects necessary for the country’s development. As Dawson (2019) points out, “trust is the oxygen of democratic institutions. When this oxygen becomes scarce, society suffocates.”
  2. International Repercussions
    The manipulation of a presidential signature is not limited to national borders. It has direct consequences on Cameroon’s diplomatic and economic relations with its international partners. International organizations such as the African Development Bank (AfDB) or the International Monetary Fund (IMF), which finance projects essential to the country’s development, could suspend their financing agreements until the situation is clarified. Such a decision would compromise infrastructure, health or education projects, plunging the country into a major economic crisis. In addition, foreign investors, already cautious in an African context often perceived as risky, would turn away from Cameroon, weakening its economic attractiveness. In diplomacy, the credibility of a State is based on the consistency and transparency of its actions. Confirmed manipulation would permanently tarnish Cameroon’s image on the international scene, leading to political and economic consequences. As Friedman (2021) states, « a State that fails to guarantee the integrity of its official documents exposes itself to global distrust ».
  3. Weakening the Rule of Law
    The rule of law is based on citizens’ trust in the authentic and legitimate nature of the decisions taken by their leaders. A falsification of the presidential signature would weaken this fragile balance. Indeed, if official documents, supposed to be irreproachable, are found to be manipulated, this would open the door to more serious abuses such as systemic corruption or the falsification of other crucial decisions. The judicial system would also be called into question, as citizens could doubt its ability to sanction those responsible for such fraud. Such manipulation encourages the development of a culture of impunity, where forgers go unchallenged, which undermines the effectiveness of public institutions. This situation would set a dangerous precedent, where laws and rules would be perceived as manipulable according to personal or political interests. As Martin and Smith (2020) remind us, “the solidity of a state rests on its capacity to guarantee the integrity of its institutional processes and to inspire confidence in citizens”
  4. Risks of Social Tensions
    In a context where economic inequalities and political frustrations are already marked, a manipulation of the presidential signature could exacerbate social tensions in Cameroon. Citizens, feeling their rights violated and their trust betrayed, could take to the streets to demand accountability from the authorities. Such demonstrations, if left uncontrolled, could degenerate into violence, with clashes between the security forces and the population. Opposition groups could exploit this situation to mobilize their supporters, accentuating political divisions. Social tensions could also extend to ethnic and regional communities, fueling already existing divisions. This instability could compromise the economic and social progress made so far. As Friedman (2021) indicates, “the stability of a country rests on its capacity to guarantee transparency and justice, failing which citizens end up contesting its legitimacy”.

D. MLDC Recommendations

  1. Official Clarification
    Given the observed discrepancies, the General Secretariat of the Presidency must imperatively publish an official communiqué explaining in detail the circumstances surrounding the signing of the recent decrees. This communiqué must clarify the processes that led to these inconsistencies and present the authentic documents to dispel doubts. Transparency is essential to reassure the population and prevent this situation from degenerating into a political crisis. The government must also commit to providing irrefutable documentary evidence, such as recordings or signature registers, in order to strengthen the credibility of the explanations put forward.
  2. Establishment of an Independent Investigation
    The MLDC proposes the creation of an independent commission of inquiry composed of experts in graphology, document security and constitutional law, from national and international structures. This commission must have unlimited access to the decrees concerned and to the presidential archives to conduct a rigorous scientific analysis. Such an investigation would ensure an objective assessment of the signatures and would make it possible to identify potential perpetrators of falsification. The results of this investigation must be made public to ensure full transparency and restore trust.
  3. Strengthening Security Mechanisms
    To prevent future manipulations, the MLDC recommends the integration of advanced security technologies in the validation of official documents. For example, the implementation of encrypted digital signatures would ensure the authenticity of documents and make their falsification almost impossible. These tools, already used in several countries, guarantee the traceability of documents and allow their provenance to be quickly verified.
  4. Mobilization of Civil Society
    Civil society organizations, the media and citizens must play an active role in this situation by demanding accountability from the authorities. Their mobilization is essential to maintain the political pressure necessary to establish the truth. In addition, awareness-raising campaigns could allow the population to better understand the issues related to this manipulation.

Conclusion
The integrity of the presidential signature is crucial for the functioning of the state and national trust. The inconsistencies noted in recent decrees raise serious questions about the authenticity of documents emanating from the Presidency of the Republic. If this situation is not addressed with transparency and rigor, it risks compromising the political, social and economic stability of Cameroon. The MLDC calls on the authorities to act responsibly by clarifying this situation through an independent investigation and structural reforms aimed at strengthening documentary security. The Cameroonian people have a right to the truth to preserve their trust in institutions and guarantee the stability of the nation. As Dawson (2019) said: “Transparency is the foundation of democratic legitimacy.”

Bibliography

  • Friedman, J. (2021). State Integrity and Document Security. Oxford University Press.
  • Martin, R., & Smith, L. (2020). Graphological Analysis in Governance. Cambridge University Press.
  • Dawson, P. (2019). The Fragility of Public Trust. Routledge.

MLDC DEMANDS PAYMENT OF RESEARCH MODERNIZATION ALLOWANCE: OPEN LETTER TO THE PRIME MINISTER, HEAD OF GOVERNMENT OF CAMEROON

Pr Jimmy Yab & H.E. Dion Ngute, Prime Minister of Cameroon

MOVEMENT FOR THE LIBERATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF CAMEROON (MLDC)

General Secretariat

Yaoundé, December 10, 2024

To the Attention of His Excellency, the Prime Minister, Head of Government

Ref: Demand for Payment of the “Research Modernization Allowance”

Subject: Advocacy for Recognizing the Role of University Lecturers through the Payment of the Research Modernization Allowance

Your Excellency,

I am writing to you as Secretary General of the Movement for the Liberation and Development of Cameroon (MLDC) to draw your attention to a critical and urgent issue: the payment of the “Research Modernization Allowance” to university lecturers in Cameroon.

The Strategic Importance of University Lecturers for Cameroon

University lecturers are a cornerstone of a prosperous and innovative society. They are not merely knowledge transmitters but also architects of social and economic transformation through research. As Paulo Freire emphasizes in Pedagogy of the Oppressed (1970), “emancipatory education relies on the valorization of those who produce and disseminate knowledge.” Neglecting their working conditions undermines not only their educational mission but also our national ambition to position Cameroon as a competitive player on the global stage.

The contributions of university lecturers, through training future generations and producing scientific knowledge, directly address economic, health, and technological challenges. For instance, the role of universities in developing local solutions during the COVID-19 pandemic was invaluable. However, their dedication cannot be sustained without appropriate material recognition.

Origin of the Allowance and Unfulfilled Commitments

The “Research Modernization Allowance” was established by Presidential Decree No. 2009/121 of April 8, 2009. This initiative, hailed at the time as a significant breakthrough, aimed to encourage academic excellence and stimulate scientific research, a key driver for national development. By taking this decision, His Excellency President Paul Biya expressed his desire to reposition Cameroon as a key player in knowledge production in Africa.

However, since its creation, this allowance has been paid sporadically, leaving university lecturers in a state of growing frustration and uncertainty. This delay in payment is perceived not only as a betrayal of the promise made by the Head of State but also as a sign of inconsistency in implementing national priorities.

Consequences of Payment Delays

The non-payment of this allowance has serious consequences:

1. Decline in Motivation and Brain Drain: Many university lecturers, disheartened by the lack of financial recognition, seek opportunities abroad. This “brain drain” phenomenon deprives Cameroon of its brightest talents.

2. Deteriorated International Image: A state that fails to honor its commitments to its academic community projects an image of poor governance and misplaced priorities. This affects our ability to attract international partners in education and research.

3. Weakening of Local Research: Without adequate financial incentives, university lecturers increasingly lack the means to fund research projects, limiting national scientific output.

As Michael Apple explains in The State and Higher Education (2000), “the devaluation of the academic body directly weakens the quality of education systems and, by extension, a state’s capacity to innovate.” Unfortunately, this truth is evident in the current situation of Cameroonian university lecturers.

Recommendations

On behalf of the MLDC, I urge you to take concrete and immediate measures to resolve this crisis. Here are our recommendations:

1. Immediate Settlement of Arrears: Publish a clear and precise schedule for the payment of allowances owed to university lecturers.

2. Creation of a Special Research Fund: Establish an independent fund, managed in collaboration with representatives of the academic community, to ensure the regularity of future payments.

3. Engagement with Stakeholders: Organize consultations with university lecturer unions to identify obstacles to implementing the allowances and effectively address them.

4. Recognition of University Lecturers: Accompany the payment of the allowance with measures to generally improve working conditions, particularly in terms of resources for research.

The Stakes for the Head of State

The President of the Republic, as the guarantor of commitments made in his name, cannot remain indifferent to this situation. The non-payment of the research modernization allowance undermines the leadership and credibility image he seeks to project. As Nelson Mandela once said, “Education is the most powerful weapon to change the world.” By supporting its university lecturers, Cameroon can demonstrate its commitment to building a better future.

Your Excellency, we cannot afford to sacrifice the future of our country by neglecting those who educate our youth and produce the knowledge necessary for our development. By acting swiftly and resolutely, you have the opportunity to correct this situation and demonstrate your commitment to education and research, which are essential pillars for transforming our nation.

In the hope of a prompt and favorable response, please accept, Your Excellency, the assurances of my highest consideration.

PR JIMMY YAB

Secretary General, Movement for the Liberation and Development of Cameroon (MLDC)

Review of SELE YALAGHULI’s article, « South Africa and BRICS: Assessing the Flying Geese Strategy as a Re-Distributional Mechanism for Inclusive Economic Gains » by Jimmy Yab

Minister Sele YALAGHULI & Pr Jimmy YAB

Introduction

Sele Yalaghuli’s article, South Africa and BRICS: Assessing the Flying Geese Strategy as a Re-Distributional Mechanism for Inclusive Economic Gains, provides a compelling analysis of South Africa’s role within the BRICS economic bloc. The author employs the Flying Geese model to explore industrial redistribution strategies that could enable South Africa to address its pressing socioeconomic challenges. This review examines the article’s theoretical contributions, empirical insights, and policy recommendations while suggesting areas for further exploration.


Theoretical Contributions

Application of the Flying Geese Model

The adaptation of the Flying Geese model, a concept rooted in East Asia’s economic rise, to the BRICS context is one of the article’s key theoretical innovations. Initially formulated by Akamatsu (1937), the model explains how industrial advancements cascade from lead economies to less developed ones in a V-formation. Yalaghuli’s application of this framework to South Africa’s industrial development is both innovative and timely, as it extends the model’s relevance beyond its traditional Asian focus (Kumagai, 2008; Kojima, 2000). By identifying China as the “lead goose,” the article highlights how South Africa could leverage its BRICS membership to develop industries like textiles that are being relinquished by China due to rising production costs and demographic shifts.

The integration of the Cobb-Douglas production function to assess the relationship between input factors and output among BRICS members further enriches the theoretical discourse. This mathematical underpinning demonstrates the economic efficiency of reallocating industrial activities, as shown in studies of other latecomer economies (Yang & Cao, 2023).

Geopolitical Framing

The article situates the Flying Geese model within the broader geopolitical aspirations of BRICS. Yalaghuli argues that equitable economic development within the bloc is critical for challenging Western hegemony, echoing the themes of South-South cooperation articulated by Duggan et al. (2022) and Chatterjee & Naka (2022). This geopolitical lens strengthens the model’s applicability to BRICS, where economic redistribution is not only about growth but also about fostering unity against unipolar dominance.


Empirical Insights

Comparative GDP and Export Analysis

Yalaghuli’s comparative analysis of GDP compositions and export patterns from 2010 to 2022 provides a robust empirical foundation for the study. The data highlights significant disparities between South Africa and its BRICS counterparts, particularly in industrial output and export composition. For example, South Africa’s reliance on raw material exports, such as coal and iron ore, contrasts sharply with China’s dominance in capital goods exports (Statista, 2023). This disparity underscores the structural challenges South Africa faces in aligning with the manufacturing-led growth seen in other BRICS nations (Kundu, 2014).

The earmarking of textiles as a focus industry is particularly insightful. The study reveals that textile manufacturing is already shifting from China to economies like Ethiopia, driven by lower labor costs (Ruan & Zhang, 2014). This trend aligns with the Flying Geese model’s prediction of industrial migration and offers a practical pathway for South Africa to revitalize its manufacturing sector. However, as Yalaghuli notes, South Africa’s success in this area will depend on addressing domestic constraints, including energy instability and high unemployment.

Socioeconomic Challenges

The article’s discussion of South Africa’s socioeconomic challenges is compelling. With 59.4% youth unemployment and a Gini coefficient of 0.65, South Africa remains one of the most unequal societies globally (Statistics South Africa, 2024). These statistics are crucial in contextualizing the urgency of industrial development. By linking these challenges to South Africa’s underperformance within BRICS, Yalaghuli strengthens the argument for adopting redistributional mechanisms like the Flying Geese strategy.


Policy Recommendations

Textile Manufacturing Pact

One of the most actionable recommendations in the article is the proposal for a textile manufacturing pact between South Africa and China. This pact would not only create jobs but also help South Africa develop a competitive manufacturing base. The author’s suggestion that South Africa leverage its youthful labor force to absorb labor-intensive industries aligns with the experiences of other latecomer economies, such as Vietnam and Bangladesh (Xu & Cao, 2019).

However, the article could further explore the political and economic feasibility of such a pact. For instance, would China’s willingness to share market space extend to significant technology transfers, or would South Africa need to negotiate these separately? Additionally, the potential environmental impacts of expanding textile manufacturing warrant consideration, given the global push for sustainable industrial practices (Brautigam et al., 2018).

Energy Infrastructure

While the article identifies energy instability as a major barrier, it does not delve deeply into potential solutions. Addressing South Africa’s energy crisis is essential for any industrial strategy to succeed. Yalaghuli could enhance this discussion by examining how renewable energy investments or partnerships within BRICS might alleviate these constraints (Vayez, 2023).


Areas for Further Exploration

Quantitative Projections

While the article provides a strong qualitative analysis, additional quantitative projections could strengthen its policy recommendations. For instance, modeling the impact of a textile pact on South Africa’s GDP and employment rates over the next decade would offer a clearer picture of the strategy’s potential benefits (Nagar, 2023).

Broader Sectoral Applications

Expanding the analysis to other sectors, such as automotive or renewable energy, could provide a more comprehensive view of South Africa’s industrial potential. These sectors align with global trends and could offer additional avenues for collaboration within BRICS (Palma, 2009).


Conclusion

Sele Yalaghuli’s article is a significant contribution to the discourse on BRICS and its potential as a platform for inclusive economic development. By applying the Flying Geese model to South Africa’s context, the study bridges theoretical innovation with practical policy recommendations. Its emphasis on equitable redistribution within BRICS is both timely and necessary for fostering unity in the Global South. However, future research should incorporate quantitative projections, address energy infrastructure challenges, and explore additional sectors to enhance the analysis further.


Bibliography

  1. Akamatsu, K. (1937). « Waga kuni Keizai hatten no sougou bensyoho. » Shogyo Keizai Ronso, 15, 179-210.
  2. Brautigam, D., Xiaoyang, T., & Xia, Y. (2018). « What kinds of Chinese ‘Geese’ are flying to Africa? Evidence from Chinese Manufacturing Firms. » CARI Working Policy No. 17.
  3. Chatterjee, M., & Naka, I. (2022). « Twenty years of BRICS: Political and economic transformations through the lens of land. » Oxford Development Studies, 50, 2-13.
  4. Duggan, N., Hooijmaaijers, B., & Rewizorski, M. (2022). « The BRICS, Global Governance, and Challenges for South-South Cooperation in a Post-Western World. » International Political Science Review, 43, 469-480.
  5. Kumagai, S. (2008). « A journey through the secret history of the Flying Geese Model. » IDE Discussion Papers, 158.
  6. Nagar, M. (2023). « South Africa is failing to live up to its constitution. » The Conversation, July 27.
  7. Palma, J. G. (2009). « Flying Geese and Waddling Ducks: The Different Capabilities of East Asia and Latin America to ‘Demand-Adapt’ and ‘Supply-Upgrade’ their Export Productive Capacity. » In Industrial Policy and Development: The Political Economy of Capabilities Accumulation (pp. 203-238). Oxford University Press.
  8. Ruan, J., & Zhang, X. (2014). « Flying Geese in China: The textile and apparel industry’s pattern of migration. » Journal of Asian Economics, 34, 79-91.
  9. Statista (2023). « Distribution of the gross domestic product (GDP) across economic sectors in China from 2012 to 2022. » Retrieved from Statista.
  10. Vayez, A. (2023). « Evolving Multilateralism: BRICS, the EU, and Responses to the Russian-Ukraine Conflict. » Africa Policy Research Institute.

MLDC Demands Resignation of ELECAM President for Election Integrity

MLDC CALLS FOR THE IMMEDIATE RESIGNATION OF THE PRESIDENT OF ELECAM


IT IS TIME TO SAY STOP.
STOP TO INCOMPETENCE,
STOP to the betrayal of our hopes,
STOP to this contempt for the future of our nation.

“ELECAM”, the institution supposed to guarantee the transparency and integrity of our elections, has failed.
87% of registrations rejected in some municipalities!

THIS IS A SCANDAL!

It is not up to Cameroonian youth, nor to our people to pay the price for the incompetence of an individual or an institution.”
“At this critical juncture, on the eve of the presidential elections, ITIS CRISTAL CLEAR THAT THE PRESIDENT OF ELECAM MUST it RESIGN..,
JIMMY YAB, GENRAL SECRETARY OF MLDC

MLDC’s CALL FOR INTERNATIONAL OVERSIGHT OF ELECTIONS IN CAMEROON: Why Elders Like OLUSEGUN OBASANJO Must Supervise Elections Cameroon’s (ELECAM) Audit for Credible Presidential Elections in Cameroon in 2025

Pr Jimmy Yab & Président OLUSEGUN OBASANJO

Abstract

Cameroon’s democratic future hangs in the balance as the nation prepares for the 2025 presidential elections amidst widespread distrust in its electoral body, ELECAM. High rejection rates of voter registrations, reaching 87% in some constituencies, signal systemic failures that threaten the credibility of the electoral process. In response, the Movement for the Liberation and Development of Cameroon (MLDC) has called for an international audit of ELECAM, advocating for elder statesmen like Olusegun Obasanjo to oversee the process. This article explores why Cameroon urgently needs global oversight for its electoral reforms, drawing lessons from Kenya, Ghana, and Nigeria while situating the MLDC’s proposals within a broader framework for democratic renewal and geopolitical stability in Central Africa.

Keywords: Cameroon, MLDC, ELECAM, electoral reform, Olusegun Obasanjo, democracy, international audit, African leadership.


Introduction: A Nation in Need of Credible Elections

Cameroon is facing a crisis of confidence in its electoral process, with the 2025 presidential elections looming as a critical test of its democratic integrity. The alarming rejection rates of voter registrations revealed by ELECAM have sparked widespread concerns about voter suppression and administrative failures. In this context, the Movement for the Liberation and Development of Cameroon (MLDC) has proposed a groundbreaking solution: an international audit of ELECAM, supervised by respected elder statesmen like Olusegun Obasanjo.

This proposal reflects the MLDC’s commitment to building a credible, inclusive electoral system as part of its broader vision for a developmentalist state. The involvement of figures like Obasanjo—renowned for their impartiality and experience in resolving electoral disputes—could restore public trust and set the stage for meaningful reforms. By drawing on lessons from other African nations, this article argues for the urgency of international oversight to safeguard Cameroon’s democracy.


ELECAM’s Failures and the Urgency for Reform

1. The Alarming Voter Rejection Rates

Data from ELECAM reveals rejection rates as high as 87% in constituencies like Yaoundé 5, primarily attributed to failures in biometric registration systems. Such figures highlight critical flaws in Cameroon’s electoral infrastructure, undermining public confidence in the fairness of the upcoming elections.

2. A Crisis of Public Trust

Widespread accusations of partisanship and incompetence against ELECAM have fueled public disillusionment. The lack of transparency in voter registration processes has raised concerns about voter suppression, particularly in opposition strongholds, deepening political tensions.

3. Regional and Global Implications

Cameroon’s political stability is crucial for the broader Central African region. Electoral failure in Cameroon could exacerbate regional instability, disrupt economic integration efforts, and provide opportunities for extremist groups like Boko Haram to exploit the resulting chaos. Ensuring credible elections is, therefore, not just a domestic priority but a regional necessity.


Why International Oversight Is Crucial

1. Restoring Public Confidence

The appointment of an international audit team led by figures like Olusegun Obasanjo would reassure Cameroonians of the impartiality and transparency of the process. Public trust is a cornerstone of democratic legitimacy, and an international audit could provide the accountability ELECAM currently lacks.

2. Aligning with Best Practices

African nations like Ghana and Kenya have demonstrated the importance of international oversight in building credible electoral systems. Ghana’s adoption of biometric voter technology and Kenya’s post-crisis electoral reforms, both supported by international observers, serve as models for Cameroon.

3. Preventing Political Crises

Nigeria’s peaceful transfer of power in 2015, facilitated by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and supported by international observers, underscores the importance of credible elections in preventing political instability. Cameroon must learn from these examples to avoid electoral disputes that could lead to unrest.

4. Leveraging African Expertise

Elder statesmen like Olusegun Obasanjo bring unparalleled experience and moral authority to electoral mediation. Obasanjo’s leadership in resolving disputes in Liberia (2017) and Zimbabwe (2008) demonstrates his ability to navigate complex political landscapes and foster consensus.


MLDC’s Vision: A Blueprint for Electoral Reform

The MLDC’s proposal for an international audit is part of its broader strategy to transform Cameroon into a developmentalist state rooted in transparency and accountability. The party’s recommendations include:

1. An Independent International Audit

The MLDC proposes a comprehensive audit of ELECAM’s operations, led by a team of international electoral experts, African statesmen, and civil society representatives.
Example: Kenya’s Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) benefited from similar oversight, which strengthened its credibility after the 2007 electoral crisis.

2. Upgrading Electoral Technology

To address the high rejection rates, the MLDC advocates for the adoption of advanced biometric technology, following the example of Ghana’s successful implementation of second-generation systems in 2020.

3. Ensuring Institutional Independence

The MLDC emphasizes the need to depoliticize ELECAM by restructuring its governance model to mirror South Africa’s Independent Electoral Commission (IEC), renowned for its impartiality and professionalism.

4. Multi-Stakeholder Oversight

The MLDC calls for the establishment of a multi-stakeholder advisory council, including representatives from political parties, civil society, and international observers, to monitor ELECAM’s activities and ensure accountability.

5. Nationwide Voter Education Campaigns

Recognizing the importance of informed citizen participation, the MLDC proposes a robust voter education campaign modeled on Nigeria’s « Vote Not Fight » initiative, which successfully engaged youth in peaceful electoral participation.


The Role of Olusegun Obasanjo in Electoral Transformation

Olusegun Obasanjo’s involvement in the proposed audit would be transformative. As a former Nigerian president and seasoned election observer, Obasanjo has a track record of mediating electoral disputes and fostering democratic transitions. His leadership would ensure that the audit is thorough, impartial, and credible, setting a new standard for electoral integrity in Cameroon.


Geopolitical Implications of Electoral Reform in Cameroon

1. Stabilizing Central Africa

Cameroon’s stability is vital for the economic and political integration of Central Africa. Credible elections would strengthen regional confidence in Cameroon’s leadership and foster collaboration on security and development initiatives.

2. Enhancing Cameroon’s Global Standing

By embracing international oversight, Cameroon can position itself as a leader in democratic governance in Africa. This would attract foreign investment and strengthen partnerships with global institutions committed to supporting democratic development.

3. Preventing External Interference

Transparent elections reduce the likelihood of external actors exploiting political instability for strategic or economic gains, safeguarding Cameroon’s sovereignty and national interests.


Conclusion: A Call for Action

The 2025 presidential elections present a critical opportunity for Cameroon to restore trust in its democratic institutions. The MLDC’s call for an international audit, led by elder statesmen like Olusegun Obasanjo, represents a bold and practical solution to the nation’s electoral crisis. By embracing this proposal, Cameroon can not only ensure credible elections but also reaffirm its commitment to democratic principles and regional stability. The time to act is now—before the crisis of confidence becomes a crisis of democracy.


References

  1. Annan, K. (2014). Interventions: A Life in War and Peace. New York: Penguin Press.
  2. Obasanjo, O. (2014). My Watch: A Memoir. Lagos: Prestige Publishers.
  3. Electoral Commission of Ghana. (2020). Biometric Voter Registration Lessons. Accra: ECG.
  4. Transparency International. (2023). Perceptions of Electoral Integrity in Africa. Berlin: Transparency International.
  5. IFES. (2021). Enhancing Electoral Integrity through Technology. Washington, DC: IFES.

Presentation and Discussion of the book titled: « Construction d’un État Développementaliste Communautaire: Le Cameroun »

http://Construction d’un État Développementaliste Communautaire : Le Cameroun: Projet de politique de développement à partir du maillage des communautés locales https://amzn.eu/d/cf0wmou

Dear friends,

I am pleased to announce the upcoming presentation and discussion of our new book, titled “Building a Community-Based Developmental State: Cameroon. A Development Policy Project through Local Community Networking”.

This work presents a bold vision for the development of Cameroon and sub-Saharan Africa, based on mobilizing and structuring local communities to build a sustainable and inclusive development model.

Two sessions will be held:

Yaoundé: November 13, at the Palais des Congrès, at 4:00 PM

Douala: November 15, at C’ Kans, Bali (across from Serena Hotel), at 4:00 PM

The event is free and open to anyone with a critical mind and a desire to understand the stakes and challenges of this new development model for sub-Saharan Africa. However, due to limited seating, we kindly ask you to register in advance to secure your spot.

To register, please go to the “Leave a Comment” section at the bottom of the page and provide your name, email address, and phone number.

Thank you in advance for your presence and support. I hope many of you will join us to discuss, debate, and enrich this collective reflection on the future of our country and our continent.

Thank you all!