Building a Cameroon–Nigeria Axis for Structuring South–South Development

A Strategic Proposal from the MLDC Based on the Community Developmental State (CDS)

Prof. Jimmy Yab. President of the MLDC. President of the Francophone China–Africa Observatory (OCAF). Professor of International Relations.

Prof Jimmy Yab & H.E. OLUSEGUN OBASANJO

Abstract

In a global context of shifting power poles, Cameroon remains deeply anchored in diplomatic frameworks inherited from colonialism, even as South–South dynamics are redrawing the paths of development. This article puts forward a strategic alternative led by the Mouvement pour la Libération et le Développement du Cameroun (MLDC): the creation of a structured bilateral cooperation axis between Cameroon and Nigeria, framed by the Community Developmental State (CDS) model. Drawing inspiration from Asian models of planned industrialization and pragmatic diplomacy, this partnership could accelerate regional integration, reinforce Cameroon’s economic sovereignty, and stabilize border zones through development-oriented diplomacy. The analysis draws upon recent economic data, academic references, and the author’s experience as president of the Francophone China–Africa Observatory (OCAF).

1. Introduction: The Urgency of Diplomatic Refoundation

A photo taken during the 70th anniversary of the Chinese People’s Association for Friendship with Foreign Countries (CPAFFC) in Beijing—where the author was the sole representative of Cameroon, standing alongside President Olusegun Obasanjo—is more than symbolic. It illustrates a strategic vacuum in Cameroon’s diplomatic presence. While the world is restructuring around regional South–South alliances (Cheru & Obi, 2010), Cameroon remains absent from major co-development platforms, held captive by a France-centric diplomatic approach.

This diplomatic absence signals a structural crisis of vision, which the MLDC seeks to overcome through a developmental diplomacy rooted in the sub-region, positioning Nigeria as a first-tier strategic partner. Within this framework, the Community Developmental State offers the doctrinal and institutional basis to envision a new African regional order, led by sovereign and mutually supportive states.

2. Doctrinal Foundations: The Community Developmental State as a Lever for Regional Integration

Inspired by Asian models (Japan, South Korea, China, Vietnam), the Community Developmental State advocated by the MLDC rests on three pillars of sovereignty: political, economic, and technological (Yab, 2024). It breaks away from paradigms of dependence on international donors in favor of national planning and regional integration.

As Leftwich (1995) emphasizes, development does not arise from automatic market liberalization, but from the strategic autonomy of a state embedded in its national and regional communities. The CDS reframes foreign action not as passive representation but as a public policy of structural transformation.

3. Nigeria: An Underutilized Power in Cameroon’s Regional Strategy

With a GDP of $477 billion (IMF, 2023), a population exceeding 230 million, vast gas reserves, and a growing manufacturing sector, Nigeria is the continent’s leading economic power. Yet, Cameroon has never developed a high-level bilateral cooperation framework with Abuja—despite sharing a 1,500 km border and informal trade flows estimated at over $500 million in 2022 (BEAC, 2023).

The MLDC proposes transforming this informal border coexistence into a structured co-development axis, built around logistical corridors (Garoua–Maiduguri, Bamenda–Enugu), joint economic zones, and industrial cooperation on regional value chains (livestock, textiles, agriculture, energy).

4. Academic and Operational Diplomacy: The Role of OCAF

As President of the Francophone China–Africa Observatory, the author has conducted numerous comparative analyses on Sino-African cooperation modalities. Contrary to simplistic interpretations, China does not impose a single model but offers a flexible negotiation framework in which the partner state remains responsible for its agenda (Brautigam, 2009).

It is this strategic school that informs our proposal: a co-diplomacy of development, in which Cameroon co-constructs with Nigeria:

A Cameroon–Nigeria Institute for South–South Development, based in Garoua or Maroua, to train regional cooperation personnel; Joint university programs linking Yaoundé I, Douala, Ibadan, Nsukka, Zaria, to share expertise in agriculture, health, security, and industry; A shared strategy to attract African and Asian FDI, particularly for financing common infrastructure.

5. Regional Security: Peace Through Integrated Development

The Cameroon–Nigeria border, particularly in the Far North, remains plagued by multiple forms of insecurity: Boko Haram, cross-border banditry, extreme poverty. The MLDC proposes a doctrine of developmental security, inspired by the concept of “human security” (UNDP, 1994), which integrates military action, social inclusion, and economic integration.

This doctrine is based on:

Joint community-based security forces, funded by both states; Economic stabilization projects in at-risk areas (roads, schools, hospitals); Regional reintegration centers for former combatants, linked to literacy and vocational training programs.

6. A Strategic Break from Passive Diplomacy

Unlike Cameroon’s current foreign policies, which rely on symbolic representation and influence, the MLDC’s approach is grounded in impact diplomacy, oriented toward sovereignty and development goals.

The proposed Cameroon–Nigeria axis adopts an offensive posture, based on a realistic reading of the regional environment. It aligns with the notion that well-crafted South–South alliances are now strategic levers comparable to past bilateral treaties with Northern powers (Mohan & Tan-Mullins, 2019).

Conclusion: Toward a Pan-African Developmental Geodiplomacy

The MLDC puts forward a true geopolitical shift for Cameroon. By reorienting Cameroonian diplomacy toward pragmatic South–South partnerships—beginning with Nigeria—it restores foreign policy to its historical mission: supporting national independence, accelerating development, and ensuring peace.

The Community Developmental State is not merely an administrative model but a strategic and operational framework for situating Cameroon within a strong, integrated, and sovereign Africa.

“Those not at the negotiation table are on the menu of history.”

— Prof. Jimmy Yab

References

Brautigam, D. (2009). The Dragon’s Gift: The Real Story of China in Africa. Oxford University Press.

Cheru, F., & Obi, C. (2010). The Rise of China and India in Africa: Challenges, Opportunities and Critical Interventions. Zed Books.

Evans, P. (1995). Embedded Autonomy: States and Industrial Transformation. Princeton University Press.

IMF. (2023). World Economic Outlook. International Monetary Fund.

Leftwich, A. (1995). Bringing Politics Back In: Towards a Model of the Developmental State. Journal of Development Studies, 31(3), 400–427.

Mohan, G., & Tan-Mullins, M. (2019). The Geopolitics of South–South Infrastructure Development: Chinese-Funded Transport Projects in Ethiopia and Kenya. Political Geography, 73, 31–43.

UNDP. (1994). Human Development Report 1994: New Dimensions of Human Security. United Nations Development Programme.

Yab, J. (2024). Construction d’un État Développementaliste Communautaire : Le Cameroun. US Editions.

BEAC. (2023). Report on Informal Trade Flows in CEMAC. Bank of Central African States.

BALTHAZAR: Scandal in Equatorial Guinea: Sex Tapes, Political Assassination, Corruption, Embezzlement and Power Struggles

From left to right: Obiang father and son and Engonga Edjo’o and son Balthazar

An Unprecedented Sexual and Political Scandal

A major scandal is currently shaking Equatorial Guinea. Hundreds of intimate videos featuring Baltasar Ebang Engonga, the country’s head of tax administration and a member of the powerful Obiang family, have been leaked on social media. These videos show Engonga, nicknamed « Bello, » engaging in sexual acts with the wives and daughters of ministers, generals, and high-ranking officials. The footage, sometimes filmed in his own office with the national flag in the background, reveals a complex network intertwining sex, power, and political rivalries.

Who is Baltasar Ebang Engonga?

Baltasar Ebang Engonga, known as Bello, the director of the tax administration of Equatorial Guinea

Baltasar Ebang Engonga, son of Baltasar Engonga Edjo’o, president of the Central African Economic and Monetary Community (CEMAC) Commission, and great-nephew of President Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, holds a prominent position within Equatorial Guinea’s ruling elite. He is in charge of managing tax administration, a key position that has made him powerful and influential. Known for his charisma and looks, Engonga was seen as a rising figure and potential successor to President Obiang, thus posing a challenge to Vice President Teodoro Nguema Obiang Mangue, known as Teodorín, the president’s son.

Suspicious Money Transfers and Public Fund Embezzlement

The sex scandal is not the only incriminating matter against Engonga. He is also accused of embezzling public funds by making suspicious transfers from state accounts to private accounts in the Cayman Islands. In October, Teodorín, aiming to weaken his political rival, launched an official investigation into these suspicious transfers. This investigation led to Bello’s arrest, who is currently detained in Black Beach Prison, notorious for its harsh conditions. During his arrest, his phones and computers were seized, revealing more than 400 compromising videos.

Repercussions Within the Elite and CEMAC

The President of the CEMAC Commission, Baltasar Engonga Edjo’o in Paris, November 27, 2023

The shockwave caused by this affair could extend beyond Equatorial Guinea’s borders, reaching personalities within the Central African Economic and Monetary Community (CEMAC). Bello’s father, Baltasar Engonga Edjo’o, now finds himself in a delicate position, summoned to Malabo to answer for his son’s actions. The Obiang family, known for its tight control over political and economic affairs, seems determined to use this scandal to reassert its authority.

Teodorín Obiang: An Opportunity for Power Consolidation

The President of Equatorial Guinea Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo

Teodorín quickly seized this opportunity to strengthen his control over the state apparatus and weaken potential competitors. The vice president has taken drastic measures, holding crisis meetings with those close to people implicated in the videos. Influential figures such as Jesús Edu Moto Mangue, the presidential security supervisor, and Nicolás Obama Nchama, the minister of public security, have been named. Teodorín has further stated that “sexual relations are forbidden in offices,” adding that severe penalties would be applied.

An Internationally Significant Scandal

The scandal’s international dimension is also noteworthy. Marisa Nlang Engonga Esono, Bello’s sister, who works at UNESCO in Paris, could be affected by the repercussions of this affair. This scandal also highlights the power games within the Obiang family and Teodorín’s attempts to eliminate competitors who might challenge his succession to the presidency.

Towards a Cleanup of the Obiang Household?

Teodoro Nguema Obiang Mangue, known as Teodorín, vice-president of Equatorial Guinea and son of the head of state

This scandal may mark a turning point in the political history of Equatorial Guinea. The revelations of embezzlement and sexual affairs involving elite figures raise many questions about the management of public finances and ethics at the top of the state. Teodorín seems determined to take advantage of the situation to strengthen his grip on power, perhaps with a view to succeeding his father, who has held power since 1982.

In Equatorial Guinea, where power is often passed down through family lines, this case reveals the extent of corruption and internal struggles plaguing the administration. Time will tell whether Teodorín can capitalize on this scandal to consolidate his rise, or if further revelations will shake the Obiang family even more.