A Strategic Proposal from the MLDC Based on the Community Developmental State (CDS)
Prof. Jimmy Yab. President of the MLDC. President of the Francophone China–Africa Observatory (OCAF). Professor of International Relations.
Abstract
In a global context of shifting power poles, Cameroon remains deeply anchored in diplomatic frameworks inherited from colonialism, even as South–South dynamics are redrawing the paths of development. This article puts forward a strategic alternative led by the Mouvement pour la Libération et le Développement du Cameroun (MLDC): the creation of a structured bilateral cooperation axis between Cameroon and Nigeria, framed by the Community Developmental State (CDS) model. Drawing inspiration from Asian models of planned industrialization and pragmatic diplomacy, this partnership could accelerate regional integration, reinforce Cameroon’s economic sovereignty, and stabilize border zones through development-oriented diplomacy. The analysis draws upon recent economic data, academic references, and the author’s experience as president of the Francophone China–Africa Observatory (OCAF).
1. Introduction: The Urgency of Diplomatic Refoundation
A photo taken during the 70th anniversary of the Chinese People’s Association for Friendship with Foreign Countries (CPAFFC) in Beijing—where the author was the sole representative of Cameroon, standing alongside President Olusegun Obasanjo—is more than symbolic. It illustrates a strategic vacuum in Cameroon’s diplomatic presence. While the world is restructuring around regional South–South alliances (Cheru & Obi, 2010), Cameroon remains absent from major co-development platforms, held captive by a France-centric diplomatic approach.
This diplomatic absence signals a structural crisis of vision, which the MLDC seeks to overcome through a developmental diplomacy rooted in the sub-region, positioning Nigeria as a first-tier strategic partner. Within this framework, the Community Developmental State offers the doctrinal and institutional basis to envision a new African regional order, led by sovereign and mutually supportive states.
2. Doctrinal Foundations: The Community Developmental State as a Lever for Regional Integration
Inspired by Asian models (Japan, South Korea, China, Vietnam), the Community Developmental State advocated by the MLDC rests on three pillars of sovereignty: political, economic, and technological (Yab, 2024). It breaks away from paradigms of dependence on international donors in favor of national planning and regional integration.
As Leftwich (1995) emphasizes, development does not arise from automatic market liberalization, but from the strategic autonomy of a state embedded in its national and regional communities. The CDS reframes foreign action not as passive representation but as a public policy of structural transformation.
3. Nigeria: An Underutilized Power in Cameroon’s Regional Strategy
With a GDP of $477 billion (IMF, 2023), a population exceeding 230 million, vast gas reserves, and a growing manufacturing sector, Nigeria is the continent’s leading economic power. Yet, Cameroon has never developed a high-level bilateral cooperation framework with Abuja—despite sharing a 1,500 km border and informal trade flows estimated at over $500 million in 2022 (BEAC, 2023).
The MLDC proposes transforming this informal border coexistence into a structured co-development axis, built around logistical corridors (Garoua–Maiduguri, Bamenda–Enugu), joint economic zones, and industrial cooperation on regional value chains (livestock, textiles, agriculture, energy).
4. Academic and Operational Diplomacy: The Role of OCAF
As President of the Francophone China–Africa Observatory, the author has conducted numerous comparative analyses on Sino-African cooperation modalities. Contrary to simplistic interpretations, China does not impose a single model but offers a flexible negotiation framework in which the partner state remains responsible for its agenda (Brautigam, 2009).
It is this strategic school that informs our proposal: a co-diplomacy of development, in which Cameroon co-constructs with Nigeria:
A Cameroon–Nigeria Institute for South–South Development, based in Garoua or Maroua, to train regional cooperation personnel; Joint university programs linking Yaoundé I, Douala, Ibadan, Nsukka, Zaria, to share expertise in agriculture, health, security, and industry; A shared strategy to attract African and Asian FDI, particularly for financing common infrastructure.
5. Regional Security: Peace Through Integrated Development
The Cameroon–Nigeria border, particularly in the Far North, remains plagued by multiple forms of insecurity: Boko Haram, cross-border banditry, extreme poverty. The MLDC proposes a doctrine of developmental security, inspired by the concept of “human security” (UNDP, 1994), which integrates military action, social inclusion, and economic integration.
This doctrine is based on:
Joint community-based security forces, funded by both states; Economic stabilization projects in at-risk areas (roads, schools, hospitals); Regional reintegration centers for former combatants, linked to literacy and vocational training programs.
6. A Strategic Break from Passive Diplomacy
Unlike Cameroon’s current foreign policies, which rely on symbolic representation and influence, the MLDC’s approach is grounded in impact diplomacy, oriented toward sovereignty and development goals.
The proposed Cameroon–Nigeria axis adopts an offensive posture, based on a realistic reading of the regional environment. It aligns with the notion that well-crafted South–South alliances are now strategic levers comparable to past bilateral treaties with Northern powers (Mohan & Tan-Mullins, 2019).
Conclusion: Toward a Pan-African Developmental Geodiplomacy
The MLDC puts forward a true geopolitical shift for Cameroon. By reorienting Cameroonian diplomacy toward pragmatic South–South partnerships—beginning with Nigeria—it restores foreign policy to its historical mission: supporting national independence, accelerating development, and ensuring peace.
The Community Developmental State is not merely an administrative model but a strategic and operational framework for situating Cameroon within a strong, integrated, and sovereign Africa.
“Those not at the negotiation table are on the menu of history.”
— Prof. Jimmy Yab
References
Brautigam, D. (2009). The Dragon’s Gift: The Real Story of China in Africa. Oxford University Press.
Cheru, F., & Obi, C. (2010). The Rise of China and India in Africa: Challenges, Opportunities and Critical Interventions. Zed Books.
Evans, P. (1995). Embedded Autonomy: States and Industrial Transformation. Princeton University Press.
IMF. (2023). World Economic Outlook. International Monetary Fund.
Leftwich, A. (1995). Bringing Politics Back In: Towards a Model of the Developmental State. Journal of Development Studies, 31(3), 400–427.
Mohan, G., & Tan-Mullins, M. (2019). The Geopolitics of South–South Infrastructure Development: Chinese-Funded Transport Projects in Ethiopia and Kenya. Political Geography, 73, 31–43.
UNDP. (1994). Human Development Report 1994: New Dimensions of Human Security. United Nations Development Programme.
Yab, J. (2024). Construction d’un État Développementaliste Communautaire : Le Cameroun. US Editions.
BEAC. (2023). Report on Informal Trade Flows in CEMAC. Bank of Central African States.
MOVEMENT FOR THE LIBERATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF CAMEROON (MLDC)
General Secretariat
Yaoundé, December 10, 2024
To the Attention of His Excellency, the Prime Minister, Head of Government
Ref: Demand for Payment of the “Research Modernization Allowance”
Subject: Advocacy for Recognizing the Role of University Lecturers through the Payment of the Research Modernization Allowance
Your Excellency,
I am writing to you as Secretary General of the Movement for the Liberation and Development of Cameroon (MLDC) to draw your attention to a critical and urgent issue: the payment of the “Research Modernization Allowance” to university lecturers in Cameroon.
The Strategic Importance of University Lecturers for Cameroon
University lecturers are a cornerstone of a prosperous and innovative society. They are not merely knowledge transmitters but also architects of social and economic transformation through research. As Paulo Freire emphasizes in Pedagogy of the Oppressed (1970), “emancipatory education relies on the valorization of those who produce and disseminate knowledge.” Neglecting their working conditions undermines not only their educational mission but also our national ambition to position Cameroon as a competitive player on the global stage.
The contributions of university lecturers, through training future generations and producing scientific knowledge, directly address economic, health, and technological challenges. For instance, the role of universities in developing local solutions during the COVID-19 pandemic was invaluable. However, their dedication cannot be sustained without appropriate material recognition.
Origin of the Allowance and Unfulfilled Commitments
The “Research Modernization Allowance” was established by Presidential Decree No. 2009/121 of April 8, 2009. This initiative, hailed at the time as a significant breakthrough, aimed to encourage academic excellence and stimulate scientific research, a key driver for national development. By taking this decision, His Excellency President Paul Biya expressed his desire to reposition Cameroon as a key player in knowledge production in Africa.
However, since its creation, this allowance has been paid sporadically, leaving university lecturers in a state of growing frustration and uncertainty. This delay in payment is perceived not only as a betrayal of the promise made by the Head of State but also as a sign of inconsistency in implementing national priorities.
Consequences of Payment Delays
The non-payment of this allowance has serious consequences:
1. Decline in Motivation and Brain Drain: Many university lecturers, disheartened by the lack of financial recognition, seek opportunities abroad. This “brain drain” phenomenon deprives Cameroon of its brightest talents.
2. Deteriorated International Image: A state that fails to honor its commitments to its academic community projects an image of poor governance and misplaced priorities. This affects our ability to attract international partners in education and research.
3. Weakening of Local Research: Without adequate financial incentives, university lecturers increasingly lack the means to fund research projects, limiting national scientific output.
As Michael Apple explains in The State and Higher Education (2000), “the devaluation of the academic body directly weakens the quality of education systems and, by extension, a state’s capacity to innovate.” Unfortunately, this truth is evident in the current situation of Cameroonian university lecturers.
Recommendations
On behalf of the MLDC, I urge you to take concrete and immediate measures to resolve this crisis. Here are our recommendations:
1. Immediate Settlement of Arrears: Publish a clear and precise schedule for the payment of allowances owed to university lecturers.
2. Creation of a Special Research Fund: Establish an independent fund, managed in collaboration with representatives of the academic community, to ensure the regularity of future payments.
3. Engagement with Stakeholders: Organize consultations with university lecturer unions to identify obstacles to implementing the allowances and effectively address them.
4. Recognition of University Lecturers: Accompany the payment of the allowance with measures to generally improve working conditions, particularly in terms of resources for research.
The Stakes for the Head of State
The President of the Republic, as the guarantor of commitments made in his name, cannot remain indifferent to this situation. The non-payment of the research modernization allowance undermines the leadership and credibility image he seeks to project. As Nelson Mandela once said, “Education is the most powerful weapon to change the world.” By supporting its university lecturers, Cameroon can demonstrate its commitment to building a better future.
Your Excellency, we cannot afford to sacrifice the future of our country by neglecting those who educate our youth and produce the knowledge necessary for our development. By acting swiftly and resolutely, you have the opportunity to correct this situation and demonstrate your commitment to education and research, which are essential pillars for transforming our nation.
In the hope of a prompt and favorable response, please accept, Your Excellency, the assurances of my highest consideration.
PR JIMMY YAB
Secretary General, Movement for the Liberation and Development of Cameroon (MLDC)
Sele Yalaghuli’s article, South Africa and BRICS: Assessing the Flying Geese Strategy as a Re-Distributional Mechanism for Inclusive Economic Gains, provides a compelling analysis of South Africa’s role within the BRICS economic bloc. The author employs the Flying Geese model to explore industrial redistribution strategies that could enable South Africa to address its pressing socioeconomic challenges. This review examines the article’s theoretical contributions, empirical insights, and policy recommendations while suggesting areas for further exploration.
The adaptation of the Flying Geese model, a concept rooted in East Asia’s economic rise, to the BRICS context is one of the article’s key theoretical innovations. Initially formulated by Akamatsu (1937), the model explains how industrial advancements cascade from lead economies to less developed ones in a V-formation. Yalaghuli’s application of this framework to South Africa’s industrial development is both innovative and timely, as it extends the model’s relevance beyond its traditional Asian focus (Kumagai, 2008; Kojima, 2000). By identifying China as the “lead goose,” the article highlights how South Africa could leverage its BRICS membership to develop industries like textiles that are being relinquished by China due to rising production costs and demographic shifts.
The integration of the Cobb-Douglas production function to assess the relationship between input factors and output among BRICS members further enriches the theoretical discourse. This mathematical underpinning demonstrates the economic efficiency of reallocating industrial activities, as shown in studies of other latecomer economies (Yang & Cao, 2023).
The article situates the Flying Geese model within the broader geopolitical aspirations of BRICS. Yalaghuli argues that equitable economic development within the bloc is critical for challenging Western hegemony, echoing the themes of South-South cooperation articulated by Duggan et al. (2022) and Chatterjee & Naka (2022). This geopolitical lens strengthens the model’s applicability to BRICS, where economic redistribution is not only about growth but also about fostering unity against unipolar dominance.
Yalaghuli’s comparative analysis of GDP compositions and export patterns from 2010 to 2022 provides a robust empirical foundation for the study. The data highlights significant disparities between South Africa and its BRICS counterparts, particularly in industrial output and export composition. For example, South Africa’s reliance on raw material exports, such as coal and iron ore, contrasts sharply with China’s dominance in capital goods exports (Statista, 2023). This disparity underscores the structural challenges South Africa faces in aligning with the manufacturing-led growth seen in other BRICS nations (Kundu, 2014).
The earmarking of textiles as a focus industry is particularly insightful. The study reveals that textile manufacturing is already shifting from China to economies like Ethiopia, driven by lower labor costs (Ruan & Zhang, 2014). This trend aligns with the Flying Geese model’s prediction of industrial migration and offers a practical pathway for South Africa to revitalize its manufacturing sector. However, as Yalaghuli notes, South Africa’s success in this area will depend on addressing domestic constraints, including energy instability and high unemployment.
The article’s discussion of South Africa’s socioeconomic challenges is compelling. With 59.4% youth unemployment and a Gini coefficient of 0.65, South Africa remains one of the most unequal societies globally (Statistics South Africa, 2024). These statistics are crucial in contextualizing the urgency of industrial development. By linking these challenges to South Africa’s underperformance within BRICS, Yalaghuli strengthens the argument for adopting redistributional mechanisms like the Flying Geese strategy.
One of the most actionable recommendations in the article is the proposal for a textile manufacturing pact between South Africa and China. This pact would not only create jobs but also help South Africa develop a competitive manufacturing base. The author’s suggestion that South Africa leverage its youthful labor force to absorb labor-intensive industries aligns with the experiences of other latecomer economies, such as Vietnam and Bangladesh (Xu & Cao, 2019).
However, the article could further explore the political and economic feasibility of such a pact. For instance, would China’s willingness to share market space extend to significant technology transfers, or would South Africa need to negotiate these separately? Additionally, the potential environmental impacts of expanding textile manufacturing warrant consideration, given the global push for sustainable industrial practices (Brautigam et al., 2018).
While the article identifies energy instability as a major barrier, it does not delve deeply into potential solutions. Addressing South Africa’s energy crisis is essential for any industrial strategy to succeed. Yalaghuli could enhance this discussion by examining how renewable energy investments or partnerships within BRICS might alleviate these constraints (Vayez, 2023).
While the article provides a strong qualitative analysis, additional quantitative projections could strengthen its policy recommendations. For instance, modeling the impact of a textile pact on South Africa’s GDP and employment rates over the next decade would offer a clearer picture of the strategy’s potential benefits (Nagar, 2023).
Expanding the analysis to other sectors, such as automotive or renewable energy, could provide a more comprehensive view of South Africa’s industrial potential. These sectors align with global trends and could offer additional avenues for collaboration within BRICS (Palma, 2009).
Sele Yalaghuli’s article is a significant contribution to the discourse on BRICS and its potential as a platform for inclusive economic development. By applying the Flying Geese model to South Africa’s context, the study bridges theoretical innovation with practical policy recommendations. Its emphasis on equitable redistribution within BRICS is both timely and necessary for fostering unity in the Global South. However, future research should incorporate quantitative projections, address energy infrastructure challenges, and explore additional sectors to enhance the analysis further.
Dear friends,
I am pleased to announce the upcoming presentation and discussion of our new book, titled “Building a Community-Based Developmental State: Cameroon. A Development Policy Project through Local Community Networking”.
This work presents a bold vision for the development of Cameroon and sub-Saharan Africa, based on mobilizing and structuring local communities to build a sustainable and inclusive development model.
Two sessions will be held:
• Yaoundé: November 13, at the Palais des Congrès, at 4:00 PM
• Douala: November 15, at C’ Kans, Bali (across from Serena Hotel), at 4:00 PM
The event is free and open to anyone with a critical mind and a desire to understand the stakes and challenges of this new development model for sub-Saharan Africa. However, due to limited seating, we kindly ask you to register in advance to secure your spot.
To register, please go to the “Leave a Comment” section at the bottom of the page and provide your name, email address, and phone number.
Thank you in advance for your presence and support. I hope many of you will join us to discuss, debate, and enrich this collective reflection on the future of our country and our continent.
Thank you all!
Donald Trump and Africa: What to Expect in His Second Term
As Donald Trump assumes office once again as the 47th President of the United States, many are looking to assess what his return to the White House might mean for Africa. Trump’s previous term (2017-2021) was marked by a controversial and often divisive approach to the continent, with critics highlighting his blunt rhetoric, while supporters argue he was the first to bring much-needed attention to the growing influence of China in Africa. As Trump returns, it’s likely that his policies towards Africa will continue to prioritize U.S. economic interests and countering Chinese influence on the continent, though the specifics may evolve given the current global and regional context.
A Controversial Start: Trump’s First Term and Africa
Donald Trump’s first term as president was characterized by moments that reflected a seemingly dismissive attitude towards Africa. In 2018, reports surfaced that he referred to some African nations as “s-hole countries” in a meeting, a comment that sparked widespread condemnation and left a lasting impact on his administration’s reputation in Africa. Many African leaders and citizens saw the comment as emblematic of a lack of respect and understanding from the Trump administration toward the continent.
Yet despite the controversy, Trump’s Africa policy also had a strategic focus, especially in terms of countering China’s growing influence. His administration consistently underscored the risks of Chinese involvement in Africa, especially concerning China’s investments and infrastructure projects across the continent. Many African nations had increasingly turned to China for economic assistance, with Beijing financing major projects from railways to highways through its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Trump and his advisors saw this as a potential threat to U.S. strategic interests and sought to push back against China’s foothold.
Countering China: An Ongoing Priority
One area where Trump’s supporters argue he made a significant contribution was in raising awareness about China’s influence in Africa. “You will again see aggressive countering of Chinese influence in Africa,” stated Tibor Nagy, former Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs under Trump. During Trump’s first term, Nagy and other officials frequently warned African leaders about the risks associated with Chinese debt and dependence, framing China as a “revisionist power” with interests that do not align with Africa’s long-term sovereignty and stability.
In Trump’s second term, this approach is expected to intensify, with an even greater focus on economic strategies that seek to curb China’s influence on the continent. Under Trump, the United States is likely to strengthen partnerships with African nations that share American views on economic sovereignty and could potentially benefit from alternatives to Chinese investment. Trump’s administration may explore initiatives such as the “Prosper Africa” initiative — an economic program from his first term aimed at boosting trade and investment between the U.S. and Africa — and expand on it to promote American business interests while creating competitive alternatives to China’s BRI.
Securing Critical Minerals for Green Technologies
One of the biggest areas of focus in Trump’s return to office will likely be securing access to Africa’s vast reserves of critical minerals, especially those essential to emerging green technologies. Africa is rich in minerals such as cobalt, lithium, and rare earth elements that are key components in the batteries used for electric vehicles, mobile phones, and other modern technologies. As the world moves toward greener energy solutions, the demand for these minerals is increasing rapidly, and the U.S. views stable access to these resources as a matter of national security.
“There is no denying that access to the many critical minerals that Africa has in great abundance is needed for America’s economy today as well as for the technologies that will lead us into the future,” said Ambassador J. Peter Pham, a former U.S. Special Envoy for the Sahel Region under Trump. Pham emphasizes that any monopolization of these supply chains — particularly by China, which has made strategic investments in Africa’s mining sector — represents a security risk for the United States. In his second term, Trump’s administration may push for partnerships and investments in Africa that help secure a more diverse and reliable supply chain for these resources, positioning the U.S. as a competitive partner to African nations looking to develop their mining industries.
A Transactional Approach to Diplomacy
In line with Trump’s signature “America First” philosophy, his approach to Africa is expected to remain transactional. Rather than promoting broad-based development aid, Trump’s policies are likely to focus on areas that directly serve U.S. interests, including trade, security, and resource acquisition. During his first term, Trump’s administration significantly cut foreign aid, and it is likely that he will continue to prioritize mutually beneficial agreements over traditional assistance. African nations that align with U.S. policy objectives may benefit from increased economic opportunities and security cooperation, while others may see reduced engagement from Washington.
Security and Counterterrorism Cooperation
Security cooperation in Africa, particularly in regions facing instability from extremist groups, was another aspect of Trump’s policy in his first term. The Sahel region, for instance, has seen a growing threat from terrorist groups such as Boko Haram and ISIS-affiliated organizations. The Trump administration supported counterterrorism initiatives in these regions, although his focus was often criticized as narrow and selective. In his second term, Trump is expected to continue supporting counterterrorism measures in Africa, especially if they align with U.S. security interests. However, Trump’s tendency to scale back American military involvement could lead to a more cautious approach, with the U.S. possibly encouraging regional allies and private security firms to take on a larger role.
What African Nations Can Expect
While the specifics of Trump’s Africa strategy remain to be seen, African leaders can expect an administration that prioritizes pragmatic partnerships over ideological commitments. Countries that are rich in critical minerals, aligned with U.S. anti-China policies, or play strategic roles in regional security may find themselves prioritized in Trump’s second term.
However, this transactional approach may also mean that countries that fail to align closely with U.S. interests could face disengagement. African nations may also be wary of Washington’s perceived unpredictability under Trump, with leaders potentially weighing whether to strengthen ties with other global powers such as China or Russia as a hedge against shifting U.S. policies.
A Different Kind of Engagement
Trump’s second term in office will likely bring a distinct and pragmatic engagement strategy with Africa, one that heavily focuses on securing U.S. economic interests, countering Chinese influence, and building selective security partnerships. African leaders and policymakers will have to navigate an evolving landscape, where U.S. engagement is driven by a transactional mindset rather than broad developmental goals. For better or worse, Trump’s approach to Africa may reshape the continent’s diplomatic landscape, making it essential for African leaders to weigh their own strategic priorities as they engage with the United States.
FROM CHINA
FROM THE WORLD
During my visit to Tanzania, I had the opportunity to observe firsthand the impressive transformations the country has undergone, especially under the leadership of President Samia Suluhu Hassan. As Tanzania’s first female president, she embodies a style of female leadership capable of transforming and modernizing the country, demonstrated by the remarkable development of its electric railway system. By becoming the first country in East Africa to launch an electric rail network, Tanzania illustrates how a visionary female leader can infuse fresh momentum into the economy and society. In this article, I will explore how President Hassan’s leadership is contributing to Tanzania’s development and the impact of her example for Africa as a whole.
Female Leadership and a Vision for Progress in Africa
Having women in positions of power in African countries often brings a breath of fresh air, blending inclusivity, sustainable development, and stability. President Samia Suluhu Hassan exemplifies this dynamic. She assumed office following the death of her predecessor, during a delicate period of transition. Despite the challenges, she managed to impose her vision and accelerate major national projects, including the electric railway connecting Dar es Salaam to Dodoma. This significant project, covering 440 kilometers, reduces travel time from 10 hours to 4 hours and sets a model for the entire region.
Under President Hassan’s leadership, Tanzania now positions itself as a model of modernization for other East African nations, especially in transportation and infrastructure. Through this railway, the country is boosting trade, enhancing mobility, and reducing its dependency on fossil fuels by using electricity—a sustainable choice that reflects values of inclusivity and progress.
A Rail Project That Is Transforming Tanzania
During my visit, I was able to see the tangible benefits of the railway project for the people. The electrified railway between Dar es Salaam and Dodoma is more than a mere transportation network; it’s a true asset for national development. With a maximum speed of 160 km/h, this modern train improves citizens’ mobility, enhances trade between regions, and opens new commercial and tourism opportunities. This project, valued at approximately $3.1 billion, embodies President Hassan’s commitment to building modern, sustainable infrastructure that meets her country’s real needs.
Beyond the benefits in terms of time savings and efficiency, the positive environmental impact of this railway is crucial. By opting for electricity, Tanzania aligns itself with sustainable development goals and reduces its carbon footprint. This project marks a turning point for the region, made even more significant by the fact that it’s being led by a visionary woman who is committed to a green and prosperous future.
Female Leadership in the Face of African Challenges
For female leaders in Africa, leading a country also means facing numerous challenges, including stereotypes and resistance from certain sociocultural factions. President Samia Suluhu Hassan has not been spared from criticism, but she has demonstrated strong leadership and inspired her people by promoting inclusive development. She’s not the first woman in Africa to achieve such an accomplishment; Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, former president of Liberia, is another example. Sirleaf, the first woman elected head of state on the continent, led her country through a crisis, laying strong foundations for democracy and peace.
These examples illustrate the transformative power of female leadership in Africa. Far from being mere administrators, these women are builders of peace and development, offering an inclusive, responsible vision for the well-being of future generations.
Toward a New Era of Inclusive and Sustainable Governance
The impact of female leadership goes beyond symbolism; it promotes governance that values strong institutions and sustainable development. By undertaking economic reforms and launching projects like the electric railway, Samia Suluhu Hassan shows that female leadership is not merely about gender parity but is a path to real transformation that meets the needs of her people. As the first woman president, she echoes the values of Scandinavian countries, where women’s inclusion in government is associated with effective and stable governance. This parallel shows that female leadership can be a valuable asset, not only for gender parity but for a fairer, more balanced future.
My trip to Tanzania strengthened my optimism about the potential of female leadership for Africa’s development. Through her commitment and vision, President Samia Suluhu Hassan demonstrates that a woman can not only lead but can also transform her country by instilling a dynamic of modernity, inclusivity, and sustainability. The electric railway is a symbol of this progress: it embodies the ambition and capability of a country to modernize its infrastructure and improve the lives of its citizens.
Africa needs strong leaders and ambitious projects to meet the challenges of the 21st century. Tanzania’s success is an inspiration for the continent and an invitation for other countries to pursue inclusive development by valuing the potential of women to lead and innovate for a prosperous, sustainable future.
