Catégorie : Cosmopolitan right

Building a Cameroon–Nigeria Axis for Structuring South–South Development

3rd juin 2025

A Strategic Proposal from the MLDC Based on the Community Developmental State (CDS)

Prof. Jimmy Yab. President of the MLDC. President of the Francophone China–Africa Observatory (OCAF). Professor of International Relations.

Prof Jimmy Yab & H.E. OLUSEGUN OBASANJO

Abstract

In a global context of shifting power poles, Cameroon remains deeply anchored in diplomatic frameworks inherited from colonialism, even as South–South dynamics are redrawing the paths of development. This article puts forward a strategic alternative led by the Mouvement pour la Libération et le Développement du Cameroun (MLDC): the creation of a structured bilateral cooperation axis between Cameroon and Nigeria, framed by the Community Developmental State (CDS) model. Drawing inspiration from Asian models of planned industrialization and pragmatic diplomacy, this partnership could accelerate regional integration, reinforce Cameroon’s economic sovereignty, and stabilize border zones through development-oriented diplomacy. The analysis draws upon recent economic data, academic references, and the author’s experience as president of the Francophone China–Africa Observatory (OCAF).

1. Introduction: The Urgency of Diplomatic Refoundation

A photo taken during the 70th anniversary of the Chinese People’s Association for Friendship with Foreign Countries (CPAFFC) in Beijing—where the author was the sole representative of Cameroon, standing alongside President Olusegun Obasanjo—is more than symbolic. It illustrates a strategic vacuum in Cameroon’s diplomatic presence. While the world is restructuring around regional South–South alliances (Cheru & Obi, 2010), Cameroon remains absent from major co-development platforms, held captive by a France-centric diplomatic approach.

This diplomatic absence signals a structural crisis of vision, which the MLDC seeks to overcome through a developmental diplomacy rooted in the sub-region, positioning Nigeria as a first-tier strategic partner. Within this framework, the Community Developmental State offers the doctrinal and institutional basis to envision a new African regional order, led by sovereign and mutually supportive states.

2. Doctrinal Foundations: The Community Developmental State as a Lever for Regional Integration

Inspired by Asian models (Japan, South Korea, China, Vietnam), the Community Developmental State advocated by the MLDC rests on three pillars of sovereignty: political, economic, and technological (Yab, 2024). It breaks away from paradigms of dependence on international donors in favor of national planning and regional integration.

As Leftwich (1995) emphasizes, development does not arise from automatic market liberalization, but from the strategic autonomy of a state embedded in its national and regional communities. The CDS reframes foreign action not as passive representation but as a public policy of structural transformation.

3. Nigeria: An Underutilized Power in Cameroon’s Regional Strategy

With a GDP of $477 billion (IMF, 2023), a population exceeding 230 million, vast gas reserves, and a growing manufacturing sector, Nigeria is the continent’s leading economic power. Yet, Cameroon has never developed a high-level bilateral cooperation framework with Abuja—despite sharing a 1,500 km border and informal trade flows estimated at over $500 million in 2022 (BEAC, 2023).

The MLDC proposes transforming this informal border coexistence into a structured co-development axis, built around logistical corridors (Garoua–Maiduguri, Bamenda–Enugu), joint economic zones, and industrial cooperation on regional value chains (livestock, textiles, agriculture, energy).

4. Academic and Operational Diplomacy: The Role of OCAF

As President of the Francophone China–Africa Observatory, the author has conducted numerous comparative analyses on Sino-African cooperation modalities. Contrary to simplistic interpretations, China does not impose a single model but offers a flexible negotiation framework in which the partner state remains responsible for its agenda (Brautigam, 2009).

It is this strategic school that informs our proposal: a co-diplomacy of development, in which Cameroon co-constructs with Nigeria:

A Cameroon–Nigeria Institute for South–South Development, based in Garoua or Maroua, to train regional cooperation personnel; Joint university programs linking Yaoundé I, Douala, Ibadan, Nsukka, Zaria, to share expertise in agriculture, health, security, and industry; A shared strategy to attract African and Asian FDI, particularly for financing common infrastructure.

5. Regional Security: Peace Through Integrated Development

The Cameroon–Nigeria border, particularly in the Far North, remains plagued by multiple forms of insecurity: Boko Haram, cross-border banditry, extreme poverty. The MLDC proposes a doctrine of developmental security, inspired by the concept of “human security” (UNDP, 1994), which integrates military action, social inclusion, and economic integration.

This doctrine is based on:

Joint community-based security forces, funded by both states; Economic stabilization projects in at-risk areas (roads, schools, hospitals); Regional reintegration centers for former combatants, linked to literacy and vocational training programs.

6. A Strategic Break from Passive Diplomacy

Unlike Cameroon’s current foreign policies, which rely on symbolic representation and influence, the MLDC’s approach is grounded in impact diplomacy, oriented toward sovereignty and development goals.

The proposed Cameroon–Nigeria axis adopts an offensive posture, based on a realistic reading of the regional environment. It aligns with the notion that well-crafted South–South alliances are now strategic levers comparable to past bilateral treaties with Northern powers (Mohan & Tan-Mullins, 2019).

Conclusion: Toward a Pan-African Developmental Geodiplomacy

The MLDC puts forward a true geopolitical shift for Cameroon. By reorienting Cameroonian diplomacy toward pragmatic South–South partnerships—beginning with Nigeria—it restores foreign policy to its historical mission: supporting national independence, accelerating development, and ensuring peace.

The Community Developmental State is not merely an administrative model but a strategic and operational framework for situating Cameroon within a strong, integrated, and sovereign Africa.

“Those not at the negotiation table are on the menu of history.”

— Prof. Jimmy Yab

References

Brautigam, D. (2009). The Dragon’s Gift: The Real Story of China in Africa. Oxford University Press.

Cheru, F., & Obi, C. (2010). The Rise of China and India in Africa: Challenges, Opportunities and Critical Interventions. Zed Books.

Evans, P. (1995). Embedded Autonomy: States and Industrial Transformation. Princeton University Press.

IMF. (2023). World Economic Outlook. International Monetary Fund.

Leftwich, A. (1995). Bringing Politics Back In: Towards a Model of the Developmental State. Journal of Development Studies, 31(3), 400–427.

Mohan, G., & Tan-Mullins, M. (2019). The Geopolitics of South–South Infrastructure Development: Chinese-Funded Transport Projects in Ethiopia and Kenya. Political Geography, 73, 31–43.

UNDP. (1994). Human Development Report 1994: New Dimensions of Human Security. United Nations Development Programme.

Yab, J. (2024). Construction d’un État Développementaliste Communautaire : Le Cameroun. US Editions.

BEAC. (2023). Report on Informal Trade Flows in CEMAC. Bank of Central African States.

Decolonizing Curriculum in Africa : The Case Against Kant and Racism

30th octobre 2024

When I wrote Kant and the Politics of Racism: Towards Kant’s Racialised Form of Cosmopolitan Right, published by Palgrave Macmillan in 2021, my central objective was to unveil the deeply entrenched racial biases within Kant’s philosophy—a bias that is not unique to him but shared by other Enlightenment thinkers such as David Hume, Voltaire, and Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel. These philosophers, widely celebrated for their intellectual contributions, also propagated ideas that upheld and justified the racial hierarchies foundational to colonialism and oppression. In African universities, where educational content should align with the goals of liberation, cultural self-worth, and decolonization, the uncritical inclusion of such figures within curricula poses a risk. Here, I’ll outline the primary arguments for why philosophers like Kant and others with similar views should be reconsidered or even banned from African academic curricula.

1. Perpetuation of Racial Hierarchies in Education

Kant’s concept of cosmopolitan right, which on the surface appears universal, implicitly endorses a hierarchy that places Europeans at the top, regarding them as morally and intellectually superior to other races. Such perspectives, if uncritically taught, may subtly promote a sense of inferiority among African students, undermining their cultural identity and reinforcing colonial mindsets. By including Kant in curricula without a critical framework that highlights his racial biases, we risk upholding a model that places Western thought—and specifically racially biased Western thought—as the apex of philosophical reasoning.

Other philosophers, such as David Hume and Hegel, held similarly destructive views on race. Hume described Africans as « naturally inferior » to Europeans, while Hegel dismissed Africa as a continent without history or civilization. To continue teaching these perspectives as core philosophical pillars in African universities inadvertently validates their racist assumptions and demeans African heritage and intellectual capacity.

2. Misalignment with African Decolonization Goals

Education in Africa today is seen as a tool for decolonization, a means to cultivate independent thought, cultural pride, and socio-economic empowerment. However, uncritically integrating philosophers who endorsed colonialist ideologies directly opposes these decolonization goals. Figures like Kant and Voltaire contributed to a philosophical legacy that justified the exploitation and dehumanization of Africans, which was foundational to the colonial project.

When I wrote Kant and the Politics of Racism, I emphasized the urgent need to re-evaluate whose philosophies are presented as « universal truths. » By removing—or at least critically re-contextualizing—these thinkers, we create space for African philosophies that foster self-respect, resilience, and intellectual independence.

3. The Psychological Impact on African Students

The inclusion of philosophers who denigrated non-European cultures fosters a damaging psychological environment for African students. Repeated exposure to thinkers who relegated Africans to inferior roles within their philosophical frameworks can subtly influence students’ self-perception. The colonial educational legacy already presented Africa and its people as « lacking » in civilization or intellect. Teaching these works without critical analysis risks perpetuating internalized inferiority, a colonial hangover that continues to affect the psychological well-being of African students.

In my book, I detail how Kant’s portrayal of non-Europeans as morally and rationally deficient underpins his cosmopolitanism. When we present Kant and his contemporaries as the pinnacle of intellectual achievement, we risk re-inscribing the very colonial hierarchies from which African nations are still seeking liberation.

4. Alternative Philosophies for African Contexts

African intellectuals, such as Cheikh Anta Diop, Fabien Eboussi Boulaga, and Kwasi Wiredu, offer philosophies rooted in African contexts, cultures, and experiences, providing valuable frameworks for addressing contemporary African issues. Replacing or supplementing the curricula with these thinkers would not only reflect African students’ lived realities but also inspire pride in African intellectual achievements. When universities in Africa prioritize Kant or Hegel over Diop or Wiredu, they sideline the contributions of African thinkers who better address the continent’s unique historical and cultural context.

My book highlights how, by turning to African philosophy, African universities can cultivate an educational environment that supports empowerment and cultural pride. African thinkers have developed comprehensive ethical, political, and social philosophies; their inclusion in curricula would better serve African students than philosophers whose legacies are intertwined with racial subjugation.

5. Promoting a Truly Inclusive Cosmopolitanism

Finally, the goal of a cosmopolitan education should be to foster mutual respect, intercultural understanding, and genuine inclusivity. The philosophies of Kant and his contemporaries, however, contradict these ideals by excluding non-Europeans from their definitions of moral and rational beings. A more inclusive education in Africa should critique and challenge these limitations, fostering a cosmopolitanism that values all cultures equally.

In conclusion, as I argue in Kant and the Politics of Racism, African universities should carefully re-evaluate the place of Kant and other racially biased philosophers in their curricula. Rather than teaching these figures uncritically, universities should prioritize thinkers whose work aligns with the goals of liberation, empowerment, and genuine inclusivity for African students.